This chapter examines the representation of race in Madama Butterfly and Turandot and the controversies that surround the performance of these works today. It shows how casting, design, and other elements in contemporary productions of the two operas become entangled with the fraught racial politics inherent in their scores and librettos. The chapter makes a particular note of the participation of musicians, directors, set designers, costume designers, and critics of Asian descent whose active presence adds an additional layer of complexity to the discussion. Madama Butterfly began to be discussed in Japan soon after its première and by the mid-twentieth century companies were beginning to seek out experts from Japan to lend enhanced cultural credence of their productions. More recent productions, however, have moved away from striving for ‘authenticity’ and begun to re-envision Puccini’s text in radical ways. Productions of Turandot have either staged the opera in authentically Chinese fashion or drawn on the abstract modernist impulses inherent in the work. Chinese audiences have been far less exposed to the work and Chinese artists less involved in its rethinking, at least until the late twentieth century. The advent of social media has broadened the questioning of the ethics of these works.

Taking the narrow notion of manga outside of Japan as its starting point, this chapter refrains from introducing the diversity of comics in Japan in support of a transculturally open approach. From a form-conscious perspective, it conceptualizes manga as a highly affective type of comics that share characteristics with non-Japanese comics far beyond the “manga” label. Following a brief historical survey of what “manga” has meant in English since the 1980s, the device of affective eyes takes center stage. Graphic narratives by Osamu Tezuka, Keiji Nakazawa, Keiko Takemiya, and Jirō Taniguchi serve as examples for how extreme close-ups of eyes have operated across periods and genres, namely, not only as representations of interiority or ethnicity, but also as material signposts and guides of visual perception: eyes draw attention, get readers involved prior to critical interpretation, establish intimacy with characters, provide a node for a page’s visual fragments, help to obscure the divide between inside and outside, subject and object, self and other. Moving gingerly into an ocular history of manga as an affective form of comics, the chapter seeks to turn away from essentialist, as well as culturalist, definitions of what manga is in favor of how it operates.

European imperialism in Pacific Asia not only displaced China as the center of its neighbors’ attention but it splintered the region as well. This was sharp connectivity. France established French Indochina, the Dutch tightened their control of Indonesia, the British took over Malaya and Burma, and all of them had pieces of a disintegrating China. Japan avoided colonization and created its own empire, beginning with Korea and Taiwan. China became the vulnerable edge of a global frame, a frame centered on Europe that included the pieces of Pacific Asia. China’s population was now seen as an impediment to modernization, and its artisanal production was swamped by Western mass production. The US replaced European segmented globalization with a hub-and-spoke globalism rimmed by newly sovereign states. Meanwhile, the People’s Republic of China remained a mostly insignificant other to its neighbors until Deng Xiaoping’s policies took hold. The salience of China’s presence, population, and production began to rise, and China had become a significant other to its region by 1998. But the US remained the center of an unquestioned global order until the financial crisis of 2008.

The ALMA Board discussions of difficult issues to resolve are presented in this chapter. A detailed account of the purchase of prototype and production antennas is given. The long route to Japan's entrance into ALMA is given. How the issues were settled of who would employ the ALMA staff in Chile and where the ALMA Observatory headquarters would be located in Santiago is set out.

This chapter provides a focused comparison of two key partners at the core of the US world order: Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK). While Japan has maintained parliamentary institutions in a democratic regime to this day, the ROK experienced a transition from a personalist autocracy led by charismatic and powerful rulers to a presidential democracy. None of these two core allies ever strayed too far from US foreign policy positions. Nonetheless, the institutional settings that structured the domestic politics in Japan and the ROK made a difference in shaping their relations with the United States. In Japan, the more flexible processes of leadership change under parliamentary institutions opened up pathways for potential successors to present themselves as the solution that would restore the alignment between the foreign policy preferences of the United States and Japan respectively. In the ROK, presidential institutions created more rigid mechanisms of leadership turnover. Those arrangements allowed the ROK leaders to take positions to which the US patron grudgingly acquiesced for lack of better alternatives.

In Japan, research on issues of donor conception has been accumulating for several decades, and the need for legislation concerning donor conception is now recognized. Since the early 2000s, donor-conceived individuals have begun to speak out for the right to know their biological origin, and the general public has come to understand the importance of this right. However, until recently, no relevant law or legal regulation existed in Japan. This chapter (1) introduces the historical and cultural background of sperm donor anonymity in Japan; (2) reviews the positions of various government committees since the late 1990s; (3) provides an overview of how donor offspring, parents, and intended parents of donor-conceived children have dealt with the issues; and (4) discusses the reasons for the slow pace of legislation and the Japanese government’s failure to recognize the right of donor offspring to obtain donor information.

In French colonial history, we can read the world wars as a single conflict. The Great War and World War II broke the French empire as it existed in the previous century. The empire contributed substantially in blood and treasure to victory in 1918, though mobilization for that war deepened existing colonial tensions and created new ones. Shifting dynamics pointed to a renegotiation of basic colonial bargains. An ostensibly new colonial doctrine, the mise en valeur, sought to make the empire a more cohesive economic and political unit. Anti-colonial movements became stronger and more articulate throughout the interwar period, though repression and military force had little trouble preserving imperial authority, for the time being. The defeat of 1940 upended imperial relationships. How could the Vichy regime rule an empire when it had very limited authority even in the Hexagon? Yet Free France promised only continued, if reformed, imperial rule. This situation made questions of collaboration and resistance at least as complicated in the empire as in Europe. By 1945, it became clear to the attentive that the French empire would either have to expire or become something else.

This chapter centres on Macau’s experience from the occupation of Hong Kong in December 1941 until the end of the war in September 1945, when the enclave became the last foreign-ruled territory in China to remain unoccupied by Japan. It argues that collaboration through compliance was a way of avoiding occupation. In this period, the practice of neutrality in Macau reached a peak of ambiguity. It was marked by the interplay of different forces and important new players competing for political legitimacy, economic control and social influence. These included Chiang Kai-shek’s government, Wang Jingwei’s Reorganised National Government, Portuguese colonial authorities, Japanese military forces and local elites.

With an international focus, this chapter analyses Portuguese neutrality in wartime China before the fall of Hong Kong in late 1941, with reference to the British and Japanese imperial presence in the region. It argues that the war in South China saw Macau and its Portuguese administration engaged constantly with these two major imperial powers in a precarious balance marked by continuities in Portugal’s relations with its old ally, the United Kingdom, and a novel proximity to Japan that generated contradictory practices on the ground.

This chapter explores the Jewish community in Japan and its ups and downs since its emergence in the latter half of the nineteenth century until today. Although a small community of usually no more than a thousand souls, it has been a home for diverse Jewish groups and a large number of talented individuals. The chapter traces its emergence, its growth following the Bolshevik Revolution, its ordeal during World War II, and its postwar recovery.

This chapter demostrates that the ambiguities of wartime neutrality in Macau continued to haunt China’s relations with Portugal in the post-war years. Five interconnected issues relating to Portuguese neutrality evidence China’s post-war quest for justice and recognition: the re-establishment of regular diplomatic contacts, the handling of Japanese property, the extradition of suspects of war crimes and collaboration, the abolition of extraterritoriality and critiques of neutrality in calls to return Macau to Chinese rule. These issues raised questions about the meaning of justice and the legitimacy of who got to wield it. In its relations with a small and relatively weak European colonial power, China sought to affirm its new post-war international status. However, this process was constrained by resistance to the Nationalists’ anti-imperialist goals in South China and by the changing fortunes of Nationalist power as the Chinese Civil War unfolded.

This edited volume explores the nature of authoritarian policing, its transformation and resilience, and its rule of law implications. The discussion of the evolution of policing takes place in the context of the overall development of the police, their professionalization, institutional autonomy and neutrality, legality, and their credibility within the communities they manage and serve. What makes policing “democratic” is a contested concept and the definition varies depending on the level of abstraction and the particular focus of the inquiry. While regime type, which is itself a contested concept, the close nexus between the coercive power of the police and the state, it is never dispositive. Thus, the dichotomous categorization of authoritarian policing (AP) and democratic policing (DP), while useful as a starting point for comparative analysis, misses a large amount of nuance and often overlooks the plurality of either system, neglecting the fact that a police system can be authoritarian or democratic in multiple ways and in different aspects of policing. This volume rejects this simple binary view. It aims to untie and unpack the nexus between the police and the political system and to explore the plurality of both AP and DP.

Traditionally there has been a reflexive assumption that democratic regimes have more accountable and less violent policing practices than those in authoritarian regimes. Yet modern authoritarian regimes have pursued policies of police professionalization while democratic regimes continue to often suffer from comparatively higher levels of police violence. This chapter argues that an examination of policing in Japan, the Philippines, and China supports the growing irrelevance of regime-type for understanding police violence and accountability. While modern policing has been subject to increased empirical study, a technocratic emphasis on policing practices has been unable to overcome both the core sociogenic drivers of crime and the intransigent moralism through which publics evaluate police action. Consequently, historical and cultural factors are the primary drivers of how any given society perceives the legitimate objects of police violence, and thus police violence strongly resists reduction through technical revisions or the reform of formal police institutions.

This chapter describes the history of child abuse detection and prevention in Japan and how the fight against child abuse became a social agenda especially during the 2000s. The SBS/AHT hypothesis became a commonly accepted notion during the same period and was used in criminal cases to prosecute carers and in administrative cases to separate them from their children in order to ‘protect’ the children. However, as we shall see in this chapter, the SBS/AHT hypothesis has become a controversial topic of debate recently and there have been a number of court decisions in criminal cases since 2018 questioning the hypothesis or diagnoses based on the hypothesis . This chapter overviews these recent developments and show the current status of debate around SBS/AHT in Japan with an emphasis on criminal cases.

Political democratization does not necessarily lead to democratic policing; rather, authoritarian legacy always poses a challenge for the integration between democracy and coercive policing. This chapter presents a case study of Taiwan to unveil such authoritarian legacy. After its democratization in the late 1980s, Taiwan has been gradually transformed its authoritarian policing into democratic policing subject to judicial review. However, as Taiwan’s peaceful democratic transition did not come with radical political changes, authoritarian legacy persists and continues to affect policing practices. Nonetheless, throughout both authoritarian and democratic periods, the police in Taiwan have obtained strong legitimacy and been perceived as one of the most trustworthy government agencies. As such, questions to explore in this chapter include: Why has authoritarian policing been this adaptive in Taiwan? How has the coexistence between authoritarian legacy and liberal democracy been made possible? What are the impacts on democratic governance and efficacy of legal reforms?