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In recent years, the relationship between Italy and the European Union (EU) has worsened due to the emergence of an increasingly negative attitude towards the question of European integration. The growth in citizens' disaffection with, and hostility towards, the political elites is part of a more general trend witnessed throughout the EU. From this point of view, an understanding of whether, and in what way, the role of Prime Minister (PM) has been affected by this change of perspective, especially following the various crises affecting the EU in the last 10 years, would be worthwhile we believe. This article examines the political positions of all PM during the so-called Second Republic (1994–now), by means of a longitudinal content analysis. This analysis reveals that after 2008, and for the first time in the history of the Italy–EU relationship, PMs' speeches have included sharp criticism of the EU. In particular, two PMs (Renzi and Conte) have clearly rejected those conditionality mechanisms implied by the EU. The results of this study confirm the start of a phase of strong conflict/politicization in regard to the EU and its institutional functioning.
This article contributes to the broader literature concerning the study of the relationship between political elites and the EU, by focusing for the first time not simply on party leaders but on one of the most important institutional roles in the Italian political system (the Presidenza del Consiglio).
Piero’s behaviour in the months before the denouement of the cousins’ conspiracy in late April showed the two contrasting sides of his nature: lazy and hyperactively scheming. Both were pinpointed by Becchi’s idiosyncratic turn of phrase when he criticised him – on one hand – for letting ser Piero Dovizi govern Italy as his boss while he rested on his oars, ‘allowing some wind to blow the boat where the oars can’t arrive, it wears you out to use your arms’, and on the other for restlessly moving in a rocking gondola: ‘keep still, for God’s sake, for you can’t see everything and you shouldn’t help the side opposite to yours’.1 Outwardly, at least, Piero seemed unworried either by his cousins or by the French expedition. He stood high in the pope’s esteem as the broker of a possible marriage for little Laura (the pope’s daughter) and, indeed, as Florence’s St. Peter, ‘the rock on which our city is now rising up’.2 He was also as ‘ambiguous’ as the pope, ‘temporising in order to see whom to please’. After receiving despatches from France, Milan, Rome and Naples in November 1493, with news of ‘Ferrante’s trepidation, the pope’s instability and the general state of affairs in Milan’, Piero told Dovizi he had little to reply except that he was waiting to hear more before writing to Becchi in France, so that, ‘well informed, [Becchi] can … temporise or do as he thinks fit’.3 In the meantime, he was busy organising the joust that he and his friends had long been practising for – probably on the large tract of public land along the walls he had enclosed in November as a jousting yard. In Piazza S. Croce the stockades had been built and the seating was being constructed.4 Then, at the end of January, everything came to an abrupt halt, not because of the cousins or news from France, but because of the death of Ferrante of Naples on 25 January 1494.
The pope’s support for the new king of Naples in the ‘agreement, alliance and pact’ signed in Rome on 28 March 1494 changed the balance of power in Italy – and with it, Piero’s importance as a mediator. It had been the pope’s long years of conflict with his recalcitrant vassal Ferrante that had enabled Lorenzo de’ Medici to mediate between Italy’s rulers as the needle of the balance, but the new alignment meant that Piero had lost his father’s role, and once the French expedition was confirmed, the months of temporising were also over. But Lorenzo had not called Piero his ‘warrior son’ for nothing, and when the war was decided on, he entered energetically into its planning, offering forth ideas as his father used to do, who liked to share his fantasies or ghiribizzi with his colleagues as a form of thinking aloud.1 So although the events of the next few months are well known in outline, Piero’s own role – which, as usual, combined bursts of action with periods of inaction or escape – is less familiar.2
Francesco Guicciardini, as we saw, famously attributed Italy’s ‘ruin’ after 1494 to Piero upsetting the balance of power between Milan and Naples by ‘throwing himself into the arms of Ferrante’ and ‘totally alienating Milan’. He was, of course, judging Piero in the light of what happened after the event, when Lodovico Sforza’s alliance with the king of France seemed to be a determining factor in the king’s victory and the overturning of the Medici regime. But before the French arrived in Italy, the situation was more fluid and Piero more concerned with preserving the balance held by his father than Guicciardini suggests. He was in fact wary of Ferrante and was in close contact with Lodovico, but since his diplomacy was often secret, like his father’s, hidden even from ambassadors like Piero Guicciardini in Milan, it is likely that Piero Guicciardini’s son, Francesco the historian, was unaware of it. Although the dispute over the lands had spoilt Piero’s visit to Rome, it only threatened Italy’s balance of power after the pope created the League of St. Mark to recover the lands from Virginio Orsini in April 1493. By following Piero’s moves in the face of this threat, we can understand better his secretive strategy to keep the old balance alive.1
Set in contemporary Palermo, Emma Dante's Via Castellana Bandiera (2013) offers a powerful exploration of the South as a site of cultural contact, interaction and confrontation by focusing on a western-like showdown between two women whose lives are differently marked by mobility and migration. In Dante's film, the simultaneous articulation of queerness and southernness is a way to queer the traditional image of the frontier and to offer an evocative elaboration on how identities are constructed, mobilised and played off against each other in the neoliberal context.
Italian ryegrass is one of the most troublesome weeds worldwide due to the rapid evolution of herbicide resistance in this species. Oregon tall fescue seed production requires high seed purity which demands good control of Italian ryegrass. Thus, the necessity to control herbicide-resistant Italian ryegrass and maintain seed purity created interest in new chemical management options. The objective of this study was to assess the effects of synthetic auxin herbicides on seed viability of Italian ryegrass biotypes, and to assess the feasibility of this management strategy for use in tall fescue seed production. Eight treatments of synthetic auxin herbicides were applied to Italian ryegrass and tall fescue at two growth stages (boot and anthesis): dicamba (1.0 and 2.2 kg ae ha-1), 2,4-D (1.1 and 2.2 kg ae ha-1), aminopyralid (0.5 kg ae ha-1), dicamba + 2.4-D (0.8 + 1.1 kg ae ha-1), 2.4-D + clopyralid (1.1 + 0.3 kg ae ha-1) and halauxifen-methyl + florasulam (0.4 kg ae ha-1 + 0.4 kg ai ha-1). Aminopyralid applied at boot and anthesis stages of Italian ryegrass reduced seed viability. Aminopyralid treatments reduced seed viability and weight of Italian ryegrass more than 50% compared to the control. Four biotypes from different location in western Oregon with different types of herbicide resistance were sprayed and differences on aminopyralid effect among Italian ryegrass biotypes were documented. Aminopyralid reduced the speed of germination by 1 to 2 days. Aminopyralid treatments had a greater effect when applied at the anthesis stage and had a greater negative impact on tall fescue. Tall fescue plants were more susceptible to aminopyralid, so this management practice is not feasible for tall fescue seed production. Future studies are needed to understand the physiological mechanisms involved in the reduced seed viability and to define an optimum aminopyralid rate for different Italian ryegrass biotypes.
Chapter 2 analyzes the role played by the Italian Constitutional Court. This court belongs to the first generation of constitutional courts, and as a result its configuration and role at the time when it was established were largely experimental, if not a leap in the dark. The constitutional judges, especially during the initial phase (from 1956 until the end of the 1960s) focused on the elimination of the Fascist legislation that continued to severely constrain civil, political, religious, and social liberties. In this way the court made a break with the past, as it contributed to putting an end to the continuity between Fascism and post-Fascism, at least from a legislative point of view. Indeed, with the striking down of Fascist legislation and the upholding of constitutional rights and freedoms the country experienced a transition from an “uncertain” democracy (that was the case in Italy in 1956) to a “mature” democracy. The role of the constitutional court also needs to be assessed in light of the fact that in most cases it was required to take decisions in conflict with the prevailing conservative stance of the government, the parliamentary majority, and the superior courts.
National courts have generally embraced a multifold account for causation in virtually all Member States. However, the different national tort law systems structure the multi-stage accounts differently. National judges enforce competition law rules largely relying on their domestic laws of obligations. For this reason, this chapter examines the bundle of tort law and competition law that applies to establish causation in competition damages actions before national courts of England, Germany, France and Italy. These four jurisdictions were selected because of the size of their economies, the amount of litigation and the fact that they show four different, almost paradigmatic, approaches to causation.
We investigated production of lexical stress in children with and without autism spectrum disorders (ASD), all monolingual Italian speakers. The mean age of the 16 autistic children was 5.73 years and the mean age of the 16 typically developing children was 4.65 years. Picture-naming targets were five trisyllabic words that began with a weak–strong pattern of lexical stress across the initial two syllables (WS: matita) and five trisyllabic words beginning with a strong–weak pattern (SW: gomito). Acoustic measures of the duration, fundamental frequency, and intensity of the first two vowels for correct word productions were used to calculate a normalised Pairwise Variability Index (PVI) for WS and SW words. Results of acoustic analyses indicated no statistically significant group differences in PVIs. Results should be interpreted in line with the exploratory nature of this study. We hope this study will encourage additional cross-linguistic studies of prosody in children's speech production.
Low-resource environments, such as those found in humanitarian crises, pose significant challenges to the provision of proper medical treatment. While the lack of training of health providers to such settings has been well-acknowledged in literature, there has yet to be any scientific evidence for this phenomenon.
This pilot study utilized a randomized crossover experimental design to examine the effects of high- versus low-resource simulated scenarios of a resuscitation of a critically ill obstetric patient on a medical doctors’ performance and inter-personal skills. Ten senior residents (fifth-year post-graduate) of the Maggiore Hospital School of Medicine (Novara, NO, Italy) were included in the study.
Overall performance score for the high-resource setting was 5.2, as opposed to only 2.3 for the low-resource setting. The mean effect size for the overall score was 2.9 (95% CI, 1.7–4.0; P <.001). The results suggest a significant decrease in both technical (medical) and non-technical skills, such as leadership, problem solving, situation awareness, resource utilization, and communication in the low-resource environment setting. The latter finding is of special important since it was yet to be reported.
This pilot study suggests that untrained physicians in low-resource environments may experience a considerable setback not only to their professional performance, but also to their interpersonal skills, when deployed ill-prepared to humanitarian missions. Consequently, this may endanger the health of local populations.
The history of operetta in Italy is inextricably entangled with discourses about the status of Italian opera and the formation of an Italian national identity. In the 1860s, it was Offenbach, Hervé and Lecocq that conquered the Italian stages, then, later, the ‘Viennese’ imports of Suppé, Strauss Jr and Lehár. Italian operettas based on parodies of foreign works and combining elements of dialect and couleur locale flourished at this time but struggled to undermine both the foreign monopoly and the time-honoured tradition of opera buffa. The relationship between operetta and Italian opera – not only buffa but also seria – was central also to critical discourses about the rise of the Italian bourgeois, becoming closely intertwined with questions on the position of musical theatre between entertainment and art. Inevitably, discussions of operetta also took strong nationalistic undertones in a country that was struggling to find a unifying national identity and that recognized operetta as a foreign import that could contaminate opera or illegitimately undermine its primacy on Italian stages. The extraordinary success of La vedova allegra in Milan in 1907 and the growing political tensions between Italy and Austria-Hungary in ensuing years sparked new interest in the creation of a national operetta.
This study seeks to make an original contribution to the historiography of Africa and the Second World War. It examines the efforts of the Nigerian government and the British Army towards the welfare and comforts of Nigerian soldiers during their overseas services from 1940 to 1947. Their deployments in East Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia had brought the issue of their morale maintenance, namely comforts and welfare, to the fore. Extant Nigerian studies of the Second World War have been concerned with Nigerian contributions to Allied victory in terms of diverse economic exertions and those guided by charity towards Europeans affected by the German blitzkrieg, particularly in Britain. Consequently, this paper explains the genesis, objectives, and policy directions of the Nigerian Forces Comforts Fund and its impact on Nigerian servicemen's comforts and welfare. The study posits the argument that constant disagreements and indeed struggles for supremacy between the military and the civil power adversely affected troops’ comforts and welfare. Delayed postwar repatriation of the idle and bored troops to West Africa, in breach of openly proclaimed wartime promises, bred anxiety and made them prone to mutiny. The end of demobilisation in 1947 left many disgruntled ex-servicemen applying for reenlistment.
It is a curious accident of history that 1922 marks the annus mirabilis of both aesthetic modernism and Italian Fascism. Mussolini’s epoch-making March on Rome on 28 October came on the heels of Virginia Woolf’s Jacob’s Room, published by Hogarth Press just two days earlier. Other landmarks of modern art and literature to arrive on the scene that year include T. S. Eliot’s The Waste Land, James Joyce’s Ulysses, Jean Cocteau’s Antigone, Edith Sitwell’s Façade and Pablo Picasso’s Two Women Running on the Beach, to name but a few. None of these modernist mavericks supported Fascism, of course – quite the contrary. Radical politics was stirring nonetheless in the ashes of the First World War. The avant-garde would not remain on the sidelines for long. The Italian Futurists led the way on the right.
Writing in Ezra Pound and Referentiality, the poet Bob Perelman notes that ‘we have been living in … the Golden Age of Pound Studies’ in which ‘Pound’s already-published writing was read assiduously; much of the huge bulk of his other public and private writing was published; the ramifications of his references were exfoliated, his ellipses were spelled out, the ideograms were translated’. So why, he (provocatively) asks, has it not ‘become increasingly possible and even easy to read Pound’? Perelman’s question, as Pound’s papers continue to surface, becomes ever more pertinent. What in particular has been the value of Pound’s manuscript materials for reading his poems? I wish to suggest that it has been considerable, but also that it does not and can never absolve readers of their critical obligations or resolve certain fundamental ambiguities in Pound’s work.
Cover crops have increased in popularity in midwestern U.S. corn and soybean systems in recent years. However, little research has been conducted to evaluate how cover crops and residual herbicides are effectively integrated together for weed control in a soybean production system. Field studies were conducted in 2016 and 2017 to evaluate summer annual weed control and to determine the effect of cover crop biomass on residual herbicide reaching the soil. The herbicide treatments consisted of preplant (PP) applications of glyphosate plus 2,4-D with or without sulfentrazone plus chlorimuron at two different timings, 21 and 7 d prior to soybean planting (DPP). Cover crops evaluated included winter vetch, cereal rye, Italian ryegrass, oat, Austrian winter pea, winter wheat, and a winter vetch plus cereal rye mixture. Herbicide treatments were applied to tilled and nontilled soil without cover crop for comparison. The tillage treatment resulted in low weed biomass at all collection intervals after both application timings, which corresponded to tilled soil having the highest sulfentrazone concentration (171 ng g−1) compared with all cover crop treatments. When applied PP, herbicide treatments applied 21 DPP with sulfentrazone had greater weed (93%) and waterhemp (89%) control than when applied 7 DPP (60% and 69%, respectively). When applied POST, herbicide treatments with a residual herbicide resulted in greater weed and waterhemp control at 7 DPP (83% and 77%, respectively) than at 21 DPP (74% and 61%, respectively). Herbicide programs that included a residual herbicide had the highest soybean yields (≥3,403 kg ha−1). Results from this study indicate that residual herbicides can be effectively integrated either PP or POST in conjunction with cover crop termination applications, but termination timing and biomass accumulation will affect the amount of sulfentrazone reaching the soil.
The ‘making’ of fashion cannot merely refer to garment production and manufacturing. It is the prerequisite for a nation to actively participate on the global stage. To establish a ‘recognisable’ fashion image, a country must go far beyond the competition of a specialised garment and textile industry. Being recognised as the ‘author countries’ for fashion creation is part of a process in which the (re)negotiation of national hierarchies and roles are constantly at play. For a country or a city, expressing an instantly recognisable aesthetic has become an important corollary of the communication of political and economic strength. More than in the past centuries, fashion has been tasked with not only reflecting and representing social or individual needs, but also constructing ex novo territories in which old stereotypes and imaginary are creatively set free. This is because, unlike most production and commercial activities, fashion expresses an elaborate culture whose composition of symbols, ideologies and lifestyles (Crane 2004) can be drawn on. On the other hand, the accelerated production relocation in past decades has irrevocably changed the geography of fashion, as well as the rhetoric of the origin of national creativity. In particular, it leads one to wonder what happens when two or more players are engaged in the making of fashion. Specifically, what happens when Italy and China collaborate in transglobal fashion-making? How does one account for the national creativity that has sprung from the Sino-Italian co-creation? Drawing on accounts of Italian fashion and Chinese fashion, this article discusses the intricacy of Sino-Italian collaboration and the implications of such a fashion co-creation; it then reflects on transglobal fashion-making and proposes a framework for its examination.
This paper focuses on the encounters between Italy and Siam at the dawn of the twentieth century, as it was the most dynamic period of Italian settlement in the modernising Siam. The paper analyses the development of Siamese modernisation as a challenging opportunity for Italian entrepreneurs and professionals, thanks to a healthy diplomatic relation between the two countries. Compared to the main characteristics of the Italian diaspora, the Italian colony in Siam stands out because of the fruits of its creative production. Siam was described as a symbol of tradition, not very different from the way China was often viewed, while the West was regarded as a source of modernity. With this perspective, the fact that Siam herself initiated the modernisation process, as well as the recruitment of Italians as part of the government's team in public works, architectural construction and civil engineering, was emphasised less than the part played by Italians in transforming the image of the Siamese capital. The paper examines how the encounters between Italy and Siam developed, attempting to do this from both Siamese and Italian perspectives, since both shared cultural memories, empirical evidence of cultural encounters and transculturality.
This article consists of three sections. The first one concentrates on the conceptualisation of the Italian concession in Tianjin (1901–1947). The second connects the past imagery of the Italian ‘aristocratic concession’ to its contemporary reinvention as the ‘New Italian-style Town’. The third section explores the rationale for the diffusion of what I define as Italianerie: a fascination for Italy, for a ‘real-unreal’ Italian-flavoured atmosphere, through the creation of multi-million-dollar luxury designer outlets known as ‘Florentia Villages’. The first Florentia Village, ‘inspired by classic Italian architecture’, opened in Wuqing, halfway between Beijing and Tianjin, in June 2011, followed by the replica of this template in eight Chinese cities. Is this the outcome of a specific patrimonialisation strategy? What is the significance of this showcase of Italian design in China? What lies behind the apparent paradox of reproducing ‘in/authentic’ Italy in miniature, and using it to sell the ‘real’ luxury products, in a country like China, which is stereotyped as the paradise of the fake? Is innovation by design reconfiguring the relationship between production and consumption of cultural images and commodities? This article intends to explore these questions with particular attention to transcultural strategies in Chinese urbanism – past and present.