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Each of these chapters contains a case study of a couple from the relevant country. Each includes a description of the everyday life of the couple with respect to the division of housework and childcare, a recounting of the history of their relationship and how it became equal, a discussion of how they balance paid work and family, and an analysis of the factors that facilitate their equality. Those factors include their conviction in gender equality, their rejection of essentialist beliefs, their familism, and their socialization in their families of origin. By showing how and why they undo gender, these couples provide lessons on how equality at home can be achieved.
Chapter 13 completes the study of vaccine’s encirclement of the globe by examining its introduction in Mauritius, Cape Colony and New South Wales in 1804, Indonesia in 1804–5 and the Philippines and Canton (Guangzhou) in 1805. The seeding of vaccination around the Indian Ocean, in the southern latitudes and around the South China Sea reveals a complex pattern of movements, with vaccine from India brought to Mauritius and Cape Town, with carefully packed cowpox sent directly from London to Sydney and with Mexican boys going arm-to-arm with Filipinos. The spread of vaccination around this vast region rarely led to continuity of practice, except in European enclaves, in Mauritius and parts of the Indonesia and the Philippines, where enslaved or subject populations were available to maintain the vaccine supply. Vaccination nonetheless saved lives, helped to suppress smallpox in gateway cities, laid foundations on which the practice could be rebuilt and extended and show-cased the benefits and costs of colonial medicine.
In 1913, a new generation of Indonesians asserted their agency by publicly demanding equality in colonial society. Through four case studies—the prohibition of traditional forms of deference, the sudden popularity of Western dress, the adoption of new legal assimilation guidelines for Indonesians, and the discussion of employee rights at a railway company—we argue that this new assertiveness reflected a broad change in mentality that we consider a turning point in Indonesian history. By focusing on Indonesian agency, we challenge the Eurocentric periodization of the Indonesian past that emphasized WWI as a trigger of change.
With the increasing number of natural disasters, understanding the links between these events and child health has become timely and pertinent. Using a panel dataset, this paper empirically investigates the persistent effects on child health due to exposure to a series of natural disasters that occurred from 2002 to 2007 in Indonesia. We find that girls exposed to multiple disaster events are 0.19 standard deviations shorter and are 7 per cent more likely to be stunted when measured 7 to 12 years later. We find no persistent effect on boys. From a public policy perspective, we highlight the need for coping strategies beyond access to credit or remittances in order to mitigate growth retardation in children.
The objective of this paper is to explore the learning challenges of a group of first-year Papuan medical students. Perspectives were obtained from a group of Papuan medical students (attaining high and low grades) and Faculty staff (Papuan and Non-Papuan) at the University of Cenderawasih, Indonesia. This qualitative case study research employed semi-structured interviews conducted online via Skype. Data were analysed using a general inductive method and classified into themes to reflect Papuan students' learning challenges. We identified three main themes, namely the individual, the university and the outside environment. We found that these Papuan students were affected by their individual challenges, such as self-perception and the level of their learning and social skills. At the university level, students faced difficulties in adjusting their learning and felt that they were lacking a quiet supportive learning environment. They were also influenced by outside environment factors, such as family and financial concern. Given the wide range of challenges faced by Papuan medical students, Faculty development initiatives incorporating cultural responsiveness into the curriculum and wider government support are crucial for the successful educational advancement of Papuan medical students, which ultimately leads to better health outcomes for the Indigenous people of Papua.
This chapter reflects on the methodological problems within a collaborative research project involving anthropology and developmental psychology. The project studied relations between child-rearing goals, emotionally arousing child-rearing practices, and the socialization and ontogenetic development of emotions in three different contexts (Indonesia, Madagascar, and Taiwan). I first discuss which demands were linked with the theoretical perspectives and methodological standards of the two disciplines. I then reflect on the problems encountered when trying to apply the same methods in all three contexts. One of the challenges for this interdisciplinary project was the differing kinds of empirical data gathered because of the need to adapt methods to local conditions. We needed a productive way to work between the methodological priorities of each discipline. Therefore, I designed a methodology that acknowledges the unique methodological advantages of anthropology – long-term field research, participant observation, using an explorative approach – while simultaneously making it possible to achieve theoretical and methodological equivalence in controlled cross-cultural comparisons.
This chapter discusses the stateness-democracy linkage in Indonesia’s post-1998 democratization process. While the stateness developed under authoritarianism appeared to erode after 1998, a robust democracy was nevertheless established. This surprising outcome raises the question of what the precise role of stateness and its related capacities was in establishing and maintaining the democratic regime after 1998. Did the capacity developed under Suharto survive the collapse of the authoritarian regime in 1998 and help to create the conditions under which democracy was entrenched, together with its deficiencies? Or did democracy develop new state capacities that allowed the country to consolidate? There is evidence, this chapter argues, that the core of Indonesian state capacity entrenched under Suharto endured during the transition, assisting in the creation of an electoral democracy. Yet, the deals that post-authoritarian rulers had to enter into in order to access that state capacity trapped Indonesia in low-quality democratic rule. There is also evidence that, although low in quality, Indonesia’s democracy strengthened some of the state’s capacities, while it failed to impact others.
International crimes are alleged to have occurred in the colonial period, within separatist conflicts (including in relation to Timor-Leste’s independence), during 1965 and Suharto’s subsequent presidency, and more recently, including in Papua. This chapter focuses on Indonesia’s national laws and institutions for prosecuting international crimes committed in Indonesia (as well as in East Timor prior to its independence as Timor-Leste in 2002). It reflects on the politicised history of international criminal law trials in post-colonial Indonesia. It then analyses statements made by representatives of foreign states and international organisations, the Indonesian government, and civil society about approaches to international criminal justice. It considers how this engagement has resulted in the adoption of laws that reflect some aspects of the norm of international criminal justice, but also amplify other principles and remain the object of debate – including planned amendments to the Criminal Code.
The Child Eating Behaviour Questionnaire (CEBQ), a widely used instrument that has been validated mostly in high-income countries, has limitations in its factorial validity when used among different cultures. This study examines whether the CEBQ instrument is culturally appropriate and valid to be used in a low- and middle-income country (LMIC) in a setting where child undernutrition remains prevalent.
The study employed a qualitative process to validate the content of items relative to the culture and setting, which was followed by a survey to test the psychometric properties of the instrument. Tests of factorial validity, convergent validity and reliability were performed.
Three different socio-economic settings of Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
The participants of this study were mothers of children aged 25–60 months. In-depth interviews were conducted with twenty-four mothers and the questionnaire validation process involved 238 mothers in the survey.
A Confirmatory Factor Analysis model with eight subscales provided the best fit (root-mean-square error of approximation = 0·048 (90 % CI 0·040, 0·057); Comparative Fit Index = 0·95 and Tucker Lewis Index = 0·95) after three new items and eight items from the original CEBQ were removed. Convergent validity with child’s weight was found for two subscales, slowness in eating and satiety responsiveness. Reliability measured using Cronbach’s alpha provided values between 0·62 and 0·78.
The original eight-factor structure of the CEBQ showed adequate content validity and provided factorial, discriminant and convergent validity with mothers of preschool children living in a LMIC where child nutrition remains a significant public health issue.
If the anti-colonial experience had created solidarity networks harnessed to the idea of an interconnected umma, the emergence of nation-states set new frames of reference. In the “post-colonial moment” transnational networks of solidarity took form along leftist, Third-Worldist, labor unionist, or feminist ideologies. Islam only occasionally emerged as a site of connection. As secular ideologies came to rule Muslim communities, some sectors of these populations set out to re-insert Islam into the picture, sometimes in the realm of politics, sometimes in society, either through peaceful or violent means. But regardless of their intellectual scope or strategic modalities, the territorial unit of reference remained the nation-state. This was also evident for Muslim minority communities, even when their self-identified cultural-geographical expanse did not match extant political boundaries. Minorities’ concerns and desires pertained to being recognized as legitimate constituencies with their own self-determined identities. This chapter reflects on how Muslims, in both majority and minority contexts, have interfaced with broader societal communities and states to (re)define the role of religion in the "post-colonial moment" from specific case studies of Indonesia, Pakistan, the Soviet Republics of Central Asia, Singapore, India, and Burma/Myanmar.
This chapter stresses how Islamic activist ideologies travelled from one country to another, following multiple geographical vectors and shaping local envisioning of piety beginning in the 1980s. The influence of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood in the establishment and political assertion of Malaysia’s Islamist party (PAS), the impact of Iran’s revolutionary intellectuals among Indonesia’s activists, the Saudi World League’s interest in fostering connections in China, and the booming of relations across the border between former Soviet Central Asia and Pakistan all show how the re-imagination of piety that occurred in the second half of the twentieth century across Asia had roots in phenomena that built on the idea of the transnational umma as a global community of belonging, but it was also “hyper-national” in nature. These case studies are useful for understanding how international networks of piety found fertile soil to implant themselves in Asia as Muslims there became disenchanted with the secularist experiment.
This chapter revolves around the emergence of new sites of authority as the outcome of very peculiar connections between upward mobility, consumption, state intervention, shifting gender norms, and concerns with piety in Southeast Asia, arguing that such combination and sequence of factors has allowed for the emergence of “religious authority” from the margins, in terms of geography, content, methods, and positionality, in Indonesia and Malaysia. This is illustrated with the cases of halal certification, modest fashion, and feminist juridical interpretation of the scriptures. The “sites” of authority here are not only innovative because they are the outcome of modern socio-political developments, but also because, through the deployment of new technologies, they have been elevated from “local” to “global” (or at least transnational), challenging discourses on religious authority that for centuries privileged the Arab “center” over Asian “peripheries,” ultimately positioning Southeast Asia’s Muslims as authoritative “pathfinders”.
We draw lessons about research design and implementation that informs conservation interventions in Developing World contexts using case studies on the relationships between local communities and their natural resources. Research on Bengal floricans in Cambodia explores how indirect questioning methods can be used to gather information in a way that doesn't incriminate respondents, and a programme on bushmeat hunting in Tanzania shows how combining this approach with qualitative understanding and ecological data provides a deeper understanding of motivations and preferences. Using the example of a small local NGO in Tanzania, we show the power of participatory theories of change to guide intervention design and clarify assumptions and research needs. Finally, we use research on Indonesian shark fishers to test common assumptions about people's livelihood choices. The finding that alternative livelihoods were not a realistic option for these fishers changed the intervention approach. These examples show the role research can play in facilitating positive interactions between conservation managers and local people, and the benefits of intertwining research and practice.
By mid-1966, about half a million adherents of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) were dead, many more were arbitrarily imprisoned and even more lost civil rights. The biggest communist party outside the communist bloc disappeared almost overnight, as did its affiliated social organisations. It was the worst political violence since Indonesia´s 1945-1949 war of national liberation. How could this happen? The chapter first dismisses two once-popular analytical approaches. Neither behaviourist depictions of rampaging anti-communist crowds, nor statist images of a military conducting pogroms on its own are adequate to the known facts. It then develops a contentious politics approach with multiple collective actors. The cold war looms large; the economy is politicised; institutions are weak, factionalised, and deeply embedded in various social formations. Contention escalates from September 1963, as President Sukarno and the PKI pivot from the gradualist Soviet Union to a militant People´s Republic of China. An emerging legitimation crisis pits a social justice discourse popular among lower classes against a growing middle class religious, law-and-order discourse. When the PKI leadership makes a false move on 1 October 1965, the military mobilises its allies to strike back, with genocidal results.
Asian-African Internationalism emerged in the spring of 1947 with a conference organized by soon-to-be independent India. The conference gathered non-governmental delegations from countries and non-sovereign territories in Asia and the Middle East to discuss problems related to the post-colonial future. By 1949, Asian-African Internationalism had turned into an association of governments dedicated to Indonesian independence. Using the regional status of the Arab League in the United Nations, Arab and Asian states formed the Arab-Asian bloc in late 1950. The extension of the Cold War into South East Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East in the wake of this North Asian conflict worried Nehru greatly. At the Bandung Conference in April 1955, the Indian premier tried to reverse the globalization of the Cold War. Ultimately, Bandung was the high point of Asian-African Internationalism, but simultaneously also its endpoint. The unfolding of the Cold War in effect undermined the viability of the movement. And communist China’s attempt to seize and turn it into an anti-Indian, anti-Soviet, and anti-American organization slew Asian-African Internationalism in late 1965.
This chapter situates our analysis of the Indonesian labor movement within theoretical debates in comparative labor politics and Indonesian politics and presents the broad contours of our answers to the three overarching questions that guide the analysis in the book: Why did Indonesia’s labor movement combine contentious street politics with autonomous electoral engagement, why has the Indonesian labor movement been surprisingly effective in winning pro-labor policies, and why have unions have been less successful in the electoral arena than in the policy arena? In answering these questions, the chapter delineates three phases of the development of Indonesia’s labor movement, and emphasizes the role of authoritarian legacies, changing opportunity structures, organizational learning, the geographic concentration of the labor movement, and comparatively weak cooperation across organizational divides in the electoral arena. The chapter also outlines our research sites and methods, provides background information about the economic and political contexts, describes the union landscape, and concludes with a summary of the book’s chapters.
This chapter examines the first decade of worker mobilization in post-Suharto Indonesia. At the national level, the labor movement experienced stunning success in shaping labor law reform during this period. In the absence of strong ties to political parties, unions created mayhem in the streets to capture the attention of politicians and raise the cost of supporting laws that unions opposed. Since both the executive and the legislature had to approve labor legislation, unions could stop the enactment of antilabor laws by peeling away legislative support. This task was facilitated by government instability and weak presidential control over coalition partners and the fact that the Minister of Manpower was from a labor background in some years. At the local level, by contrast, unions had fewer points of entry and less leverage. Although newly created tripartite wage councils gave workers a voice in wage-setting, executives had the final authority to determine minimum wages increases, and they were relatively immune to pressure from workers until direct elections were phased in between mid-2005 and late 2008.
This chapter explores the question of whether the increased electoral engagement of Indonesia’s unions has fostered the development of a working-class constituency. After explaining the specific challenges of developing such a constituency, we utilize evidence from surveys conducted in working-class communities in four union-dense districts in Bekasi and Tangerang to assess workers’ views on political issues and to analyze their voting behavior in the 2009 and 2014 legislative and presidential races. We find evidence that there is a stable if not growing proportion of workers with politicized collective identities. In legislative races, we argue that these politicized collective identities have not resulted in the formation of a working-class constituency but rather an organizational constituency rooted in the membership of one union, FSPMI. In presidential races, however, we find stronger evidence that union engagement in politics has contributed to the formation of a working-class constituency that crosses organizational divides.
This chapter examines the forces that produced Indonesia’s highly mobilized but politically independent labor movement. It describes the authoritarian legacies that shaped the first phase of its evolution when the labor movement had no choice but to use street politics as its primary weapon in the struggle for more worker-friendly labor policy. In a second phase, new opportunities opened by the decentralization process led unions to experiment with electoral engagement. The focus of these efforts was at the local level where union activists backed executive candidates from many different parties, pragmatically trading their political support for pro-labor measures. In a third phase, unions drew on their past organizational learning and experimentation to extend their electoral engagement to the legislative arena. Reluctant to tie themselves directly to a single party, union strategists chose to place union cadres on legislative tickets of many different political parties. Autonomous electoral participation now complemented street politics as central features of labor’s political strategy.