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Cathay Pacific’s shifting shareholder base underscores the dynamic interactions between the state and the market in an ever-changing geopolitical landscape. Focusing on its later transformation from a British airline, this article explores how Cathay Pacific refashioned its shareholding to respond to the shifting political climate of Hong Kong. In the protracted process through which Britain yielded jurisdictional power of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China, Cathay Pacific responded preemptively, first by enhancing its local profile, and then by appealing to economic nationalism of the sovereign state poised to take charge. The privately owned airline fashioned its corporate nationality in a bid to negotiate with political forces that affected its business development. The case of Cathay Pacific demonstrates how, in the absence of warfare, companies still need to mitigate political risks in a fluid geopolitical setting. By modifying its shareholding, Cathay Pacific crafted its corporate nationality, which proved instrumental in allaying political risks and managing business relationship with the state. The airline’s strategy attests to its dexterity as well as the pliability of the notion of “corporate nationality,” winning management the “license to operate”—legitimacy and state sponsorship—during a period of swift geopolitical shifts.
Arbitration is routinely said to be based on consent. Indeed, the consensual nature of arbitration is perhaps its most influential feature, operating both to restrict domestic court involvement in arbitral proceedings as well as limit the review of awards by national courts of law. It is also the consensual nature of arbitration, however, that justifies a domestic court’s power to review an arbitral agreement, especially when a party against whom arbitration is brought denies that it agreed to arbitrate a dispute. In essence, the argument has long been that because arbitration is based on consent, parties that have not agreed to arbitrate should not be required to do so. However, as long as only parties who have agreed to arbitrate are required to do so, there are few legitimate reasons for court involvement in the arbitral process or court review of arbitral awards. The parties agreed to arbitrate and thus should live with the consequences of that agreement.
The Bank of England was heavily involved in the management of Hong Kong’s banking and currency arrangements. The shadow that continually hung over both was the prospect of the termination of the lease on the ‘Crown Colony’ in 1997. In the late summer of 1983, a property boom collapsed and brought major financial strain and an exchange rate crisis. The Bank sent experts who backed schemes to create a currency peg, managed by currency board arrangements, with a link to the British pound. That had implications for the positions of the large banks, which issued bank notes. There was also a question about the position of the large Hong Kong banks, and the largest, HSBC, wanted to acquire, or merge with, a UK bank: eventually HSBC took over Midland.
This study aimed to develop an assessment tool measuring comprehensive interdisciplinary competence in end-of-life care (EoLC) and investigate its content, construct validity, reliability, and their correlates.
Items of the Comprehensive End-of-Life Care Competence Scale (CECCS) were developed according to a comprehensive core competence framework in EoLC and refined by a multi-disciplinary panel of experts. The psychometric properties were further tested through region-wide surveys of self-administered questionnaires completed by health and social care professionals in Hong Kong.
Participants comprised social workers, nurses, physicians, and allied health care professionals (445 participants in 2016, 410 in 2017, and 523 in 2018). Factor analysis validated the construct of the questionnaire which encompassed 26 items describing EoLC core competences in seven domains with satisfactory internal reliability (confirmatory factor analysis: χ2/df = 3.12, GFI = 0.85, TLI = 0.93, CFI = 0.94, RMSEA = 0.07; Cronbach's alphas ranged from 0.89 to 0.97): overarching value & knowledge, communication skills, symptom management, psychosocial and community care, end-of-life decision-making, bereavement care, and self-care. Higher perceived levels in these competences were correlated with a higher level of job meaningfulness and satisfaction (r ranged from 0.17 to 0.39, p < 0.01) and correlated with lower perceived stress (r ranged from –0.11 to –0.28, p < 0.05). Regression analysis found that age and work involvement in EoLC were positively associated with the perceived competences in all domains; professionals working in hospices reported higher levels of competence than workers in other settings; social workers showed lower perceived competences in symptom management, but higher levels in bereavement care than other health care professionals.
Significance of results
The validity and internal reliability of CECCS were demonstrated. The levels of perceived competences working in EoLC were significantly associated with professionals’ job-related well-being. Practically, there is still room for improvement in comprehensive competences among health and social care workers in Hong Kong.
To describe the Na concentration of pre-packaged foods available in Hong Kong.
The Na concentrations (mg/100 g or mg/100 ml or per serving) of all pre-packaged foods available for sale in major supermarket chains in Hong Kong were obtained from the 2017 Hong Kong FoodSwitch database. Median and interquartile range (IQR) of Na concentration for different food groups and the proportion of foods and beverages considered low and high Na (<120 mg/100 g or mg/100 ml and >600 mg/100 g or mg/100 ml, respectively) were determined.
We analysed 11 518 pre-packaged products. ‘Fruit and vegetables (including table salt)’ had the highest variability in Na concentration ranging from 0 to 39 000 mg/100 g, followed by ‘sauces, dressings, spreads and dips’ ranging from 0 to 34 130. The latter also had the highest median Na concentration (mg/100 g or mg/100 ml) at 1180 (IQR 446–3520), followed by meat and meat products (median 800, IQR 632–1068) and snack foods (median 650, IQR 453–926). Fish and fish products (median 531, 364–791) and meat and meat products (median 444, IQR 351–593) had the highest Na concentration per serving. Overall, 46·7 and 26·7 % of products were low and high in Na, respectively.
Our results can serve as a baseline for food supply interventions in Hong Kong. We have identified several food groups as priority areas for reformulation, demonstrating the potential of such initiatives to improve the healthiness of the food supply in Hong Kong.
This chapter examines Hong Kong perspectives on the rule of law and argues that concern with maintaining the rule of law has been at the heart of the battle over political reform. In these political clashes a rather hardline Beijing approach to rule by law is juxtaposed against the very liberal Hong Kong perspective developed under British rule. As deLisle points out in and Cullen and Campbell elaborate on, there is a wide gap between Hong Kong and Beijing on the rule of law. With Beijing’s perceived lack of the rule of law, Hong Kongers have generally viewed the promised high degree of autonomy and noninterference by the central government as crucial to maintaining the rule of law and avoiding arbitrary rule in Hong Kong’s separate system. Such hands-off approach was clearly understood in formulating the “one country, two systems” model for Hong Kong under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, though application has fallen short. Starting with the historical commitments, this chapter critically examines the series of official reports and decisions surrounding the 2014 clashes over political reform in Hong Kong and considers their relevance to the rule-of-law debate.
To examine the extent and characteristics of food and beverage (F&B) promotion in Hong Kong mass transit railway (MTR) stations in districts with different socioeconomic statuses (SES) and school density.
All advertisements located in the eight selected MTR stations were recorded by photographs or videos, and classified into F&B and non-F&B. The percentage of F&B advertisements and unhealthy F&B being promoted, and common persuasive marketing strategies used in F&B advertisements were compared between low v. high SES districts and school zones v. non-school zones.
MTR stations in Hong Kong.
Of the 8064 advertisements documented, 861 (10·7 %) were F&B advertisements, promoting 1860 F&B items. More than half of the these were unhealthy foods. Stations in high SES districts or school zones tend to advertise more unhealthy items (high v. low SES: 55·8 v. 50·8 %, P = 0·049; school v. non-school: 60·8 v. 49·3 %, P < 0·001). More than one-third of the F&B advertisements recorded did not utilise any of those persuasive marketing techniques that were examined, and using models (13·9 %) or providing discounts (8·8 %) were the two most frequently used non-festival-related persuasive marketing strategies.
Unhealthy F&B advertising in MTR stations is prevalent regardless of SES and school density, and persuasive marketing strategies were infrequently used. These suggest that a ban on unhealthy F&B advertising around schools or the use of persuasive marketing strategies alone would be ineffective in Hong Kong. To align with the recommendation from WHO, a universal ban of junk food advertising should be enacted.
To study the extent and nature of free-to-air television advertisements for non-core products (e.g., fast food or soda) directed at children in Hong Kong.
Television programs from two major Hong Kong free-to-air television channels airing between 06.00 and 24.00 hours from October 2018 to January 2019 were recorded. Eight nonconsecutive days (four weekdays and four weekend days) were selected for analysis. Pearson’s χ2 tests were conducted to compare the pattern of food advertisements by program categories, days of the week, television viewing periods and persuasive marketing techniques.
Free-to-air television programs.
Of the 10 348 commercials identified, 18·4 % were for foods, and 35·2 % of these were for non-core items. Baby and toddler milk formula (19·5 %) were the most advertised food products, while the most frequently advertised non-core food was fast foods (12·3 %). There was a higher non-core to core product ratio during prime time than the children’s time slot (7 v. 1·7). Non-sports celebrity endorsement (27·1 %) was the most frequently used persuasive marketing technique overall, while that for non-core products was sensory characteristics (38·2 %). Most food product placements recorded were non-core products, mentions of local and fast food restaurants and recipe additions.
Non-core products were highly advertised in Hong Kong, while core product advertising was infrequent. Regulations on junk food advertising in Hong Kong should focus on prime time, as well as on food product placement, to reduce children’s exposure to persuasive junk food marketing.
Mobile payment generally refers to transactions made through the applications of a portable electronic gadget without the transfer of cash. As one of the most disruptive technologies for finance, mobile payment has been rapidly transforming the traditional financial industry. While it brings important benefits, there are also various risks, in terms of liquidity, security, and data privacy, that call for adequate regulatory responses. As a global financial centre, Hong Kong has gradually established a regulatory framework for mobile payment, addressing the relevant risks with rules on payment and privacy. However, there is still room for further improvement, in terms of measures to deal with cybersecurity issues and strengthen the protection of personal data. The Hong Kong experiences suggest that, to regulate a new and fast-growing industry such as mobile payment, the regulatory regime needs to be improved continuously to alleviate the risk concerns, so as to enhance the protection of financial consumers and society at large.
This study provides a new dataset on the ideological positions of political parties in Hong Kong, which is a hybrid regime with electoral elements. Using this dataset, the study challenges the non-ideological view of party competition in Hong Kong by identifying an ideological dimension to the elections held between 1998 and 2016. It is shown that parties do position themselves along an identifiable left–right spectrum, with shifts that can be meaningfully interpreted, and that the aggregate ideology of the electorate appears to be linked to the level of economic growth. The ideological dimension provides a novel perspective on local politics that looks beyond the dominant pro-democracy versus pro-Beijing divide while also shedding light on the recent changes underlying the latter. This study provides valuable objective data for analyzing political competition dynamics and contributes to the comparative literature by incorporating Hong Kong into the framework of the manifesto coding project.
This is the first book to provide a comparative and critical analysis of why and how corporate governance and corporate law have been or can be used to promote and protect sustainability in the four common law jurisdictions in Asia, ie Singapore, Hong Kong, India and Malaysia. Based on theoretical, doctrinal and empirical research, I critically evaluate the rationales for, and effectiveness of, six corporate mechanisms, namely (1) sustainability reporting; (2) gender diversity on the board of directors; (3) constituency directors; (4) stewardship codes; (5) directors’ duty to act in the best interests of the company; and (6) liability on companies, shareholders and directors.
In the history of the religion-state relationship in China, a model of subordination of religion to the state has been dominant for centuries. In recent years, some Chinese Protestant churches have advocated the model of separation of church and state. Through a historical and theological analysis, this study argues that in order to relieve the tensions between Chinese Protestantism and the contemporary Chinese government, a better conceptual alternative is to reconsider the issue in terms of autonomy rather than separation or subordination, and to argue for legally allowing the coexistence of both official and nonofficial churches and grant different degrees of autonomy to each.
The epilogue offers a series of vignettes meant to demonstrate the contemporary legacies of the dialectic between those who see fangyan as a more “flexible” notion of Chinese identity and homogenizing forces that seek to reframe them as nothing more than subsidiary variants of the Chinese standard language. These anecdotes, moving from local journalism to underground hip-hop to protest flash mobs, present a thematic epilogue, highlighting through example the significances of fangyan that continue to shape Chinese nationalism today.
This article examines public attitudes towards two reform options for the defined-contribution (DC) Mandatory Provident Fund (MPF) scheme in Hong Kong: (i) increasing MPF contributions; or (ii) introducing a universal pension partly funded by switching MPF contributions to the universal pension. Drawing on a phone survey conducted with 975 active contributors to the MPF, we examine whether agreement with these MPF reform options can be explained by respondents’ self-interest, attachment to different welfare ideologies, their level of confusion with the MPF, uncertainty about future MPF income, and trust in the Hong Kong government to deal with MPF issues. This research identifies that it is uncertainty with future MPF income and low trust in the Hong Kong government to deal with MPF issues that have the most significant effect on respondents’ MPF reform preferences. Mainstream accounts of the effect of liberalist, universalist, conservative, and familistic welfare ideologies are only partially confirmed.
Chapter 8 studies the record of macroeconomic and financial crises, high inflation episodes, currency collapses, political crises, and collapses of democracy in Latin America and the financial crises and recession episodes in East Asian economies in the period 1970–2015. The chapter focuses on countries – such as Argentina and Venezuela – with high incidence of growth, inflation, and political crises, and also examines the cases of Chile and Mexico. The chapter examines the effects of the East Asian crisis of 1997–98 on Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Malaysia (the Asia-5 countries) and compares its impact on China, Vietnam, Singapore, and Hong Kong. The chapter offers a discussion on a wide variety of crisis and stabilization occurrences in a comparative perspective, highlighting economic and political economy factors.
Bandmann’s engagement with the many localities on his circuit required a degree of political activity at a level which is termed here micropolitical. This term refers to personal connections and networks and how they function in a political context. For Bandmann, who attempted to build or manage theatres on his circuit, this meant forging political and business partnerships that demonstrate a much deeper engagement with locality than is normal for itinerant theatre. The micropolitics of locality are discussed in relation to the most important cities on his circuit, which were mostly entrepôts, port cities designed to facilitate colonial trade. The chapter provides detailed discussion of Bandmann’s activities in Malta, Cairo, Bombay, Calcutta, Shanghai, Hong Kong and the Dutch East Indies, as well as in connection with the Victoria Theatre in Singapore and Parsi theatre.