To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Haiti had a singular importance in the life of Frederick Douglass. Like countless other African Americans, Douglass upheld the Haitian Revolution as an unprecedented blow for human rights. He appreciated the symbolism of Haiti, a self-identified Black nation-state. As an abolitionist, Douglass used his platform to call on the United States to grant diplomatic recognition to Haiti and opine on the proposed mass emigration of African Americans from the United States to Haiti. He, after declining an opportunity to visit Haiti at the outset of the Civil War, eventually went there as a U.S. diplomat from 1889 to 1891. In Port-au-Prince, Douglass played a key role in a diplomatic conflict between the United States and Haiti. His experience in Haiti would not only lead to his appointment as one of Haiti’s representatives at the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair but also have a significant impact on his political thought.
When people living in poverty are asked to describe their living conditions, mental health issues quickly come to mind (grief, sadness, anger, fear, bitterness, frustration, discontent, anxiety, and emotional damage consisting of low mood and depression, fatigue, hypersensitivity, sleep difficulties and physical pain). Although the association between poverty and mental health have been widely demonstrated in the literature, care must be taken to avoid the psychiatrization of poverty. However, how can healthcare be provided to people living in poverty when basic needs are not met? This article explores the global challenge of providing mental health services in impoverished populations, using the example of the poorest country in America: Haiti. It examines the availability of services offered through the Mental Health Centre at Morne Pelé, and the necessity for innovative and comprehensive approaches to provide culturally appropriate care that meets the real needs of populations. It highlights effective measures that policy makers should implement to develop an efficient mental healthcare system based on the lessons of the Mental Health Centre at Morne Pelé.
“Shadows of Haiti” examines echoes of the Haitian Revolution in three texts from the extended Caribbean: Victor Séjour’s “Le Mulâtre,”, Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda’s Sab, and Charles Chesnutt’s Paul Marchand F.M.C. After an overview of world-systems theory and an introduction to the historical context in which each of these texts is situated, this chapter compares the ways in which the potentially violent revolt of a mixed-race heterosexual male protagonist is neutered or silenced by the conventions of sentiment. Haunting all three texts is the dark shadow of the violent revolt in Saint-Domingue, enmeshed with the consequences of deadly family secrets related to race and violence. In “Le Mulâtre” and Sab, the male protagonist dies. In Paul Marchand F.M.C, however, the hero survives but is silenced and forced into exile in France.
This chapter examines the publication of “Theresa” in Freedom’s Journal, a short story about women’s wartime heroism into the broader history of the Haitian Revolution. “Theresa” paints an image of mixed-race womanhood that was not insignificant for both this American venue and for a larger transatlantic context. Like the anonymously written British epistolary novel, The Woman of Colour, A Tale (1808), “Theresa” shows mixed-race women who are aligned with Black racial uplift rather than white assimilation. Moreover, both of these texts present images of mixed-race heroines who differ significantly from those of the “tragic mulatta” genre that would gain popularity during the antebellum period. Instead, “Theresa” frames its mixed-race heroines as models not only of racial solidarity but also of radical abolitionist action. In this, “Theresa” anticipates postbellum mixed-race heroines, through foregoing mixed-race women’s heterosexual union with Black men with their political action alongside them. The chapter offers an analysis of early nineteenth-century texts such as Laura Sansay’s Secret History; or, the Horrors of St. Domingo (1808) and Zelica the Creole (1820), which make the safety of white women the priority of their mixed-race characters.
In the wake of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, free African Americans felt they had as much to lose as fugitive slaves. Many felt that they would never be recognized as citizens and that they would never be granted legal equality or social acceptance in the predominantly white United States. This chapter shows that, against this backdrop, free-soil havens abroad resonated more than ever as potent symbols of liberty, equality, uplift, and independence. They offered a stark contrast to the United States’ ongoing commitment to slavery at its very highest levels. Building on decades of practice, American anti-slavery advocates in the 1850s leveraged the practical and symbolic value of international free-soil havens to bolster the fight of freedom and equality at home and abroad. From national anti-slavery conventions to burgeoning black nationalist political thought, this chapter shows that free-soil spaces became dominant focal points of escape, resistance, and collective action until the outbreak of civil war in 1861.
While always hostile to white demands that they expatriate, free black northerners considered emigrating on their own terms, as an affirmation of their dual identity as black and American. Even as stalwart integrationists such as Frederick Douglass criticized his peers for betraying their enslaved kin, emigrationists such as Martin Delany, Mary Ann Shadd, and James Theodore Holly debated the true purpose of black exodus, as well as the most desirable destination, concurring only in their dislike for the ACS and Liberia. Where to go? Canada, for its proximity to the United States? The Niger Valley, for its connection to their African ancestry? Or Haiti, the one black-run state in the Western Hemisphere, and a bastion of black militancy? As emigrationists duly divided, exploring and settling distant lands, they were shocked to realize just how American, even “Anglo-Saxon” their assumptions really were – and how much they had to call on much-resented white assistance. And so, like white colonizationists, they entered the 1860s praying that some more powerful entity would assume the onerous task of fostering African American emigration.
Chapter 13 summarises how the blood trade, and especially the sale of plasma, obtained from ‘donors’ who repeatedly attended specialised ‘plasmapheresis centres’, played a substantial role in the worldwide dissemination of HIV and also in the amplification of HIV shortly after it arrived in Haiti. In Port-au-Prince, a for-profit plasmapheresis centre, owned by a Miami investor and a Haitian minister, attracted several thousand poor men and women who sold their plasma week after week for a few dollars in 1971–2, just a few years after the virus arrived in Haiti. HIV spread extremely quickly in other plasmapheresis centres, especially in China, where quarter of a million people were infected with HIV. Other victims included haemophiliacs from many countries who were contaminated when treated with a coagulation factor concentrate whose preparation required the pooling of plasma from thousands of donors in many countries, procured through ‘plasma brokers’.
Chapter 12 starts with a review of the chaotic decolonisation process in the former Belgian Congo through a biography of one of its most pre-eminent protagonists, Patrice Lumumba. The instability of the newly independent country led to the massive pauperisation of its population, triggering (see ) not just profound changes in the pattern of prostitution in the capital, but also the brutal collapse of its health and education systems. Belgian doctors and teachers fled the young country and were replaced by a large number (~4,500) of Haitian technical assistants. One of them, and probably only one, got infected with HIV and brought it back to the Caribbean island around 1967. The chapter recounts how HIV was progressively recognised as being prevalent among Haitians, first in the USA and then in Haiti itself. After the Cuban revolution, sexual tourism developed in Haiti, and in the 1970s and early 1980s many American gay men visited the island for a holiday of sun and (paid) sex. This was the most likely route for the virus’ quick re-exportation to the USA, where it landed in New York City in 1971.
During the decolonization era in the Caribbean, writers from throughout the region shaped visions of nationalism and anticolonialism through engaging with francophone Caribbean history and culture. Haiti in particular played a major symbolic role. Looking back to the Haitian Revolution offered anticolonial writers ways of thinking about challenging imperialism as well as lessons for independence. At the same time, Haitian indigénisme and the versions of Haitian culture and religion that circulated internationally during the US occupation inspired a reconsideration of the Africanness of Caribbean culture. This chapter will also make comparisons to the francophone Negritude movement centred especially in Martinique and its revaluation of Africa through Haiti. Writers considered include C. L. R. James, Derek Walcott, Eric Walrond, Kamau Brathwaite, George Lamming, Jean Rhys, Alejo Carpentier, Édouard Glissant, and Aimé Césaire.
This essay explores the legacy and afterlife of François Macandal, a man who escaped enslavement on an eighteenth-century plantation in the French colony of Saint-Domingue. His fame as a poisoner and immortal rebel persist over time and space, reflecting transcaribbean associations of fetish making with spiritual and physical resistance on the plantation. Stories of Macandal and the fetish objects he crafted, also called macandals, continued to circulate in nineteenth-century Louisiana as one of many narratives of slave uprising and Revolution in the Americas. One example of the reach of Macandal’s story is the 1892 novel, Le Macandal: Épisode de l’Insurrection des Noirs à St. Domingue, published in New Orleans, Louisiana, by Marie-Joséphine Augustin. This work is part of a larger archive of how Macandal and his macandals shaped the literary realm. His story moves across genres arguing that Macandal is simultaneously the man, the fetish object, and the story in its many forms.
Since the West Indies saw the forced introduction of the most enslaved Africans in all of the Americas, the most written about element of pre-twentieth-century Caribbean writing in contemporary scholarship is without a doubt plantation slavery, including abolition and slave revolt and rebellion. However, even while drawing attention to these concerns, much of nineteenth-century Caribbean writing, in the works of Cuba’s Félix Varela, Haiti’s Émeric Bergeaud, and Puerto Rico’s Ramón Emeterio Betances, for example, also shows distinct concerns with ideas of sovereignty. Rather than illustrating an obsessive concern with racialized revolution or at once idyllic and treacherous scenes of tropical paradise, the Caribbean writers under discussion in this essay demonstrate a clear shift towards trying to determine the meaning of freedom in a life after slavery, and what kinds of new identities the inhabitants of a post-slavery Caribbean might take on.
This essay explores how authors, texts, and forms moved throughout the Caribbean in the period, transgressing boundaries of language and geography. Regional responses to the Haitian Revolution and other Caribbean antislavery and anticolonial movements reveal the clear trans-Caribbean focus of many nineteenth-century Caribbean writers. Additionally, the growing sphere of newspapers provided a concrete means through which ideas circulated throughout the region. This chapter looks primarily to Haiti and Trinidad as early examples through which to consider literary anglophone–francophone connections and the formations of Caribbean identity that heavily influenced later Caribbean writers. I argue that the circulation of ideas and authors in the period ultimately generated complex negotiation of contested spaces, shifting boundaries, and complex identities that gave rise to conceptions of creoleness and exile that are foundational to Caribbean literature.
Emily Balch is a familiar figure to historians of the early twentieth-century transnational women’s movement, not least because of her central role in the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). Yet, there is no doubt that Balch was also a thinker engaged in conversations now recognized as squarely belonging to the history of international thought. These include debates on race and immigration, economic interdependence, the reform of colonialism, and visions for a world society. There were contradictions within Balch’s thought but her empirical research nonetheless challenged some of the racist stereotypes within American International Relations in the 1910s and 20s. Balch was never interested in separating the domestic from the international. Her starting point remained her ‘fellow citizens’ and the contexts that shaped their lives, whether these were the ethnographic realities of East-Central Europe or the impact of the United States’ occupation of Haiti.
There is a growing literature in support of the effectiveness of task-shared mental health interventions in resource-limited settings globally. However, despite evidence that effect sizes are greater in research studies than actual care, the literature is sparse on the impact of such interventions as delivered in routine care. In this paper, we examine the clinical outcomes of routine depression care in a task-shared mental health system established in rural Haiti by the international health care organization Partners In Health, in collaboration with the Haitian Ministry of Health, following the 2010 earthquake.
For patients seeking depression care betw|een January 2016 and December 2019, we conducted mixed-effects longitudinal regression to quantify the effect of depression visit dose on symptoms, incorporating interaction effects to examine the relationship between baseline severity and dose.
306 patients attended 2052 visits. Each visit was associated with an average reduction of 1.11 in depression score (range 0–39), controlling for sex, age, and days in treatment (95% CI −1.478 to −0.91; p < 0.001). Patients with more severe symptoms experienced greater improvement as a function of visits (p = 0.04). Psychotherapy was provided less frequently and medication more often than expected for patients with moderate symptoms.
Our findings support the potential positive impact of scaling up routine mental health services in low- and middle-income countries, despite greater than expected variability in service provision, as well as the importance of understanding potential barriers and facilitators to care as they occur in resource-limited settings.
In this chapter we evaluate not only how different paradigms approach the topic of peacebuilding but also how they compare and contrast with one another. This essay suggests that despite some clear incompatibilities, realism, liberalism, constructivism, cosmopolitanism, critical theory, public policy, and localism share some common ideas about how to pragmatically resolve conflicts, including focusing on the participants of these conflicts, developing locally grounded solutions, maintaining long-term commitments, and focusing on comprehensive approaches to peace. The main divide, we suggest, is between understandings of power in practice, with the more monist approaches positing that local actions come from structures that are not easily perceived. This critique, however, is minimized by the reality that all of the paradigms agree that peace cannot be sustained without both tempering the prerogatives of power with ideas of equality and consulting local actors. We conclude this chapter with comments about the benefits a cross-paradigmatic approach to peacebuilding has from methodological and theoretical standpoints.
Countries most affected by disasters are often those with limited local capacity to respond. When local capacity is overwhelmed, international humanitarian response often provides needs-based emergency response. Despite global progress in education and the development of international humanitarian response standards, access to training and integration of local actors in response mechanisms remains limited. In May 2017, the Haiti Humanitarian Response Course (HHRC) was implemented in Mirebalais, Haiti to increase local capacity and allow for effective future engagement with international humanitarian actors in a country prone to disasters.
In collaboration with the Hôpital Universitaire de Mirebalais’ (HUM; Mirebalais, Haiti) Department of Medical Education and Emergency Medicine (EM) residency program, four physicians from the Division of Global Emergency Care and Humanitarian Studies at Brigham and Women’s Hospital (Boston, Massachusetts USA) facilitated the course, which included 53 local physicians and staff. Following 15 hours of online pre-course preparation, through didactics and practical small-group exercises, the course focused on key components of international humanitarian response, minimum standards for effective response, and the roles of key response players. The course was free to participants and taught in English and French.
The HHRC reduced the barriers often faced by local actors who seek training in international humanitarian response by offering free training in their own community. It presents a novel approach to narrow critical gaps in training local populations in international humanitarian response, especially in environments prone to crises and disasters. This approach can help local responders better access international humanitarian response mechanisms when the local response capacity is exhausted or overwhelmed.
The HHRC demonstrates a potential new model for humanitarian and disaster training and offers a model for similar programs in other disaster-prone countries. Ultimately, local capacity building could lead to more efficient resource utilization, improved knowledge sharing, and better disaster response.
Between 2010 and 2019 the international health care organization Partners In Health (PIH) and its sister organization Zanmi Lasante (ZL) mounted a long-term response to the 2010 Haiti earthquake, focused on mental health. Over that time, implementing a Theory of Change developed in 2012, the organization successfully developed a comprehensive, sustained community mental health system in Haiti's Central Plateau and Artibonite departments, directly serving a catchment area of 1.5 million people through multiple diagnosis-specific care pathways. The resulting ZL mental health system delivered 28 184 patient visits and served 6305 discrete patients at ZL facilities between January 2016 and September 2019. The experience of developing a system of mental health services in Haiti that currently provides ongoing care to thousands of people serves as a case study in major challenges involved in global mental health delivery. The essential components of the effort to develop and sustain this community mental health system are summarized.
This paper addresses the relative scholarly oversight of the history of public health in Haiti through a close examination of the colonial public health system constructed and operated by the United States (US) during its occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934. More than simply documenting a neglected aspect of Caribbean history, the paper offers the US occupation of Haiti as a remarkably clear example of a failed attempt to use a free public health service to cultivate a health conscientiousness among the Haitian citizenry through the aggressive treatment of highly visible ailments such as cataracts and yaws. I argue that the US occupation viewed the success of the Haitian Public Health Service as critical to the generation of a taxable, compliant and trusting citizenry that the colonial state could enter into a contract with. This idealistic programme envisioned by the US occupation was marred by financial mismanagement, racism, delusions of grandeur and contempt for Haitian physicians that resulted in the production of a far more precarious public health service and administrative state than the US occupation had hoped. By the time the Great Depression arrived in 1930 the Haitian Public Health Service was gutted and privatised, having successfully provided the majority of Haitians with free healthcare, yet failed to have persuaded them of the value of being governed by a centralised administrative state.
To summarize the state of knowledge of the Endangered Antillean manatee Trichechus manatus manatus in Hispaniola, which comprises the Dominican Republic and Haiti, I reviewed documentary archives from pre-Columbian times to 2013. Manatees were historically abundant in Hispaniola but were hunted for centuries for their meat and other body parts for diverse uses. By the end of the 19th century manatees had become relatively rare around the island. Nevertheless, manatees remain widespread along the coast and occasionally occupy freshwater habitats in the Dominican Republic. In Haiti recent manatee sightings were restricted to two coastal areas. Currently, the manatee population of Hispaniola is perceived to be declining. The most commonly reported threats to the species include hunting, entanglement in fishing gear, boat strikes and disturbance by boat traffic, pollution, and habitat degradation and destruction. In the Dominican Republic longstanding national laws and international agreements protect the species and its habitat, and past conservation actions have raised public awareness about the status of the manatee. In Haiti knowledge of manatees is extremely limited and the species is not legally protected. I propose country-specific and binational recommendations to improve the contemporary conservation of manatees in the Dominican Republic and Haiti.
Argues that despite hopes of sweeping change, Clinton ended up running a traditional, Cold War–style foreign policy. He used Cold War institutions like NATO, and acted to contain Russian power in the Balkans. Examines attempts to apply a Clinton Doctrine and its successes and failures. Argues that Clinton's interventions advanced a trend of wars of Muslim liberation.