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This chapter focuses on the views of residents in the townships where the epidemic first fulminated. My interviewees in this portion of society describe the ZANU(PF) regime in sinister terms – as an entity capable and willing to inflict harm on them through a ferocious disease or to ignore them in times of desperate need. Thus, cholera made clear just how marginalised they are in Zimbabwean society. My interlocutors recounted stories of relentless suffering, violence, dispossession and abandonment during the cholera outbreak. It is tempting to read this grim narration as a form of victimhood when faced with a sinister political regime and a deadly disease outbreak. But to do so would be to grasp only one aspect of what are layered public narratives. By examining the ways in which people spoke about cholera, I underscore the limitations that ‘the state’ has in commanding its own discursive representations and in shaping popular understandings of a political disaster. While my interlocutors speak from an apparent position of victimhood, the outbreak also provided an occasion for township residents to vent their outrage at the government and demand better-quality, more accountable public service delivery. These were important claims to substantive forms of citizenship.
Recent work on optimal monetary and fiscal policy in New Keynesian models has tended to focus on policy set by an infinitely lived benevolent policy maker, often with access to a commitment technology. In this paper, we explore deviations from this ideal, by allowing (time-consistent) policy to be set by a process of bargaining between two political players with different weights on elements of the social welfare function. We characterize the (linear) Markov perfect equilibrium and, in a series of numerical examples, we explore the resultant policy response to shocks which cannot be perfectly offset with the available instruments due to their fiscal consequences. We find that, even although the players, on average, have the socially desirable objective function, the process of bargaining implies an outcome which deviates from the time-consistent policy chosen by the benevolent policy maker. Moreover, the range of instruments available mean that policy makers will bargain across the entire policy mix, sometimes implying outcomes which are quite different from those that would be chosen by a single policy maker. These policy outcomes depend crucially on the nature of the conflict and also the level of government debt.
As Bernardo Dovizi had said, as long as there was fighting in Italy, Piero was not without hope. So although the new year, 1498, opened with Piero enjoying ‘little reputation and less credit’, renewed fighting in Italy kept his hopes alive for the remaining years of his life.1 Two events helped to change the political scene, principally the succession of Louis of Orleans to the French throne in April, but also the execution of Savonarola the following month. With claims on Milan as well as Naples, King Louis XII forged new alliances in Italy, most notably with Venice and Pope Alexander VI, who used France to further his son Cesare Borgia’s attempts to build a state for himself in central Italy. The destabilisation they created encouraged Piero’s military adventurism, while the final unravelling of Savonarola’s life – his attack on the pope, his last defiant sermons and the aborted Trial by Fire in March and early April 1498 – also helped to revivify Piero by discrediting the Florentine government at home and abroad.2 So Piero’s little-known movements in these years provide a novel outside-in view of Florence’s crisis that helps to explain the threatened coup d’état in 1500 and the life Gonfaloniership two years later.
In the postscript, I remark on the tenacity of the narratives of regional linguistic identity that were produced in the early twentieth century and the way in which elite justifications for a homogenous, Odia-speaking community came to transcend the sites of their production to take a central place in the nation’s imagination. Through a discussion of contemporary adivasi activism as part of the Maoist movement, adivasi opposition to economic liberalization as well as the controversies about Christian conversion of adivasis in Odisha, I show how the Odia appropriation of adivasi pasts remains the central problematic through which the struggles between the Odia mainstream majority and the adivasi minority are enacted.
This chapter charts Syria’s descent into conflict, from the eruption of demonstrations in March 2011 to the unrestrained brutality that would come to characterise the Syrian conflict – itself an umbrella for a number of distinct conflicts, both civil and international. The chapter focuses on the Syrian government’s leading role in Syria’s conflagration. Beginning with an analysis of the conflict’s origins and the Syrian government’s strategy, which developed from suppression and terror to a ‘total war’, the chapter describes the conduct of the Syrian government against its own people, elaborating on the chemical weapons attacks. It then discusses Russia’s and Iran’s intervention and concludes with an assessment of the implications of the conflict on the civil society in Syria in terms of deaths and casualties, demographic changes in the population of Syria, and the economic repercussions of the conflict.
This section wraps the book's analysis of the conflict in Syria and points to the indeterminacies that still remain. They include, among others, the shape and form of the emerging political structure of Syria, how the refugee crisis will be resolved, and whether international justice could be achieved. The conclusions of the volume portray guidelines for political or legal attempts that will be made to resolve those indeterminacies. It is the mapping and analysis of how the fundamental norms of the international community were brutally violated and the difficulties of restoring justice at the moment, while also elaborating on the developments within the political arena in which all of these events take place, that provide keys for coping with future challenges for both Syria and the international community.
The conclusion of the Syrian war suggests an international failure to prevent a mass calamity and to protect those millions of innocent civilians Irrespective of the developments within Syria, it is already clear that the implications of this conflict will accompany us for years to come and it is not unthinkable that a new chapter of this war will be ignited again in the future.
Addresses the role of government in Australia through the life cycle of its automotive industry, from its success in attracting manufacturers, promoting the development of the industry, protecting and supporting, encouraging rationalization – and then being conflicted between that purpose and opening the market to imports, losing its grip on the industry, and finally succumbing to the temptation simply to subsidize it.
This chapter discusses the ongoing reforms and reforms needed to balance the roles of different institutions for the perfection of China’s bankruptcy market. Many institutions, such as the central government and people’s courts, compete to construe the bankruptcy laws or control the bankruptcy process of listed companies. The author argues that people’s courts are more proper to implement the bankruptcy law because of their impartiality, professionalism and legal competence. The protection of creditors’ rights to participation and to adequate information should be enhanced. The dominance of the liquidation-group administrator has brought many negative results to creditors and to bankrupt listed companies. The author, therefore, argues that the people’s court should reduce designating liquidation groups as administrators and that a bankruptcy professional market should be cultivated. Last but not least, the author proposes that the government should play a dominant role, outside of the bankruptcy process, in providing public services and create a supporting environment for enterprise bankruptcies and a complementary role in the bankruptcy process. If the roles of these institutions are properly balanced, the EBL can play a much better role in addressing enterprise bankruptcies.
“The 1986 Enterprise Bankruptcy Law (1986 EBL) was adopted after many ineffective attempts to reform SOEs. It, in fact, neither effectively reformed SOEs as anticipated by the government, nor succeeded as a bankruptcy law in addressing the creditor-debtor problem. Lawmakers granted the government extensive roles in the bankruptcy of SOEs because of a misunderstanding of the nature and the goals of the bankruptcy regime when it was transplanted into China from other jurisdictions. They did not treat this law as a real bankruptcy law, but rather as an ‘SOE-rescuing law’ or ‘workers’ resettlement law’.This chapter introduces the background of government intervention in enterprise bankruptcies, the object dimension and temporal scope of this study, and research methodologies of this study: which includes empirical study, doctrinal approach and historical approach. It presents a general picture of the pending issue: whether the government is needed in addressing the bankruptcy problem of enterprises, especially listed companies in China with a socialist market economy.”
− ESG–Agency scholarship highlights the fragmented, expanding, and complex forms of authority that prescribe, steer, and govern behaviour on environmental issues. − Agency scholarship on earth system governance covers interdisciplinary debates in four broad areas: the types of agents, the ways authority is exercised, the nature of agents’ influence, and the varieties of governance structures or architectures within which agents act.− Even with increasing scholarship into the fragmentation of authority and multiplication of the types agents to include nonstate, transnational, and subnational actors, states continue to be the centre of agency scholarship. Future research is needed on agency theory and the theoretical nature of relationships between actors and within differing geographic, economic, and political contexts.
Notwithstanding that the goals of the government may not be consistent with the legislative goals of the 2006 EBL, the government is determined to realise its own goals in the reorganisation of listed companies in practice, namely, to further local economic interests such as local fiscal revenue, local employment rates, local and regional economic development, a friendly business environment; and political interests in protecting the interests of workers and maintenance of the order of the socialist market economy. By studying the reorganisation of fifty-three listed companies that entered reorganisation after the 2006 EBL came into effect, this chapter identifies the administrative means applied by local governments to intervene in the reorganisation of listed companies – controlling the access to the bankruptcy/reorganisation procedure, organising liquidation groups, resettling workers, introducing strategic investors, granting government subsidies and intervening in the cram down process of reorganisation plans rejected by creditors or shareholders. Some administrative means applied by local governments facilitate the bankruptcy of listed companies, such as the resettlement of workers and subsidising financially distressed listed companies. Certain other administrative means, such as blocking listed companies’ access to the bankruptcy procedure, may hinder the bankruptcy process.
This chapter compares the government powers in the 1986 and 2006 EBLs and explores the reasons that have led to government intervention in enterprise bankruptcies. The government intervention in the 1986 EBL can be attributed to its inappropriate goals (the mixture of administrative goals with bankruptcy goals) and Chinese lawmakers’ misunderstanding of its nature and goals as is discussed in Chapter 2. The 2006 EBL, however, successfully detaches the bankruptcy goals from the administrative goals because of the change of economic strategy, construction of supporting institutions, and the legal and institutional development concerning listed companies. The 2006 EBL becomes a bankruptcy law in a real sense, addressing the debt problems between the debtor and its creditors. The role of the government has been greatly constrained in the legal text of the 2006 EBL. The government, however, may not give up its powers easily. The governments try all means to avoid delisting and liquidating listed companies, in order to maintain a strong public sector and protect local interests associated with the listed companies. It is still necessary to examine the administrative goals of the government and its means of intervening in the bankruptcy process of listed companies.
This chapter provides an overview of the system of governance in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It introduces readers to the fundamental concepts of ‘one country, two systems’ and ‘high degree of autonomy’ under the Basic Law, which provide the framework for the allocation and exercise of responsibilities over Hong Kong by the central authorities and the Hong Kong government. Within the sphere of Hong Kong’s autonomy, the Basic Law provides for the exercise of governmental powers by three arms of government: the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. The powers and functions of these three arms are outlined in this chapter, together with discussion of the doctrine of ‘separation of powers’.
Historically indigenous people have been mostly acted upon by corporations, but increasingly indigenous people are themselves emerging as corporate actors. With this emergence comes new perspectives on corporate law, corporate governance, and sustainability that reimagine the role of the shareholder, the responsibilities of the board, and the ethics of corporate action. Indigenous people enact their own autochthonous law to govern corporate behavior and enforce these laws in their own legal systems. As indigenous people emerge as corporate actors, they will learn from existing corporate behavior, but their chthonic approaches to corporate law and governance also have much to teach other communities about how to achieve sustainable corporate action. This chapter explores the unique indigenous perspective on corporations and sustainability.
This paper analyzes the effect of the sectoral composition of government spending on the stability properties of a two-sector economy with a progressive tax structure. The results suggest that indeterminacy is more likely to occur if the fraction of government spending on consumption goods increases. This study also finds that, under progressive taxation, a sufficiently high public-consumption share is needed to generate indeterminacy. It is shown that, with the benchmark parameterization, a higher fraction of government spending on consumption goods needs to be implemented with a more progressive tax scheme to stabilize the economy. Moreover, it is emphasized that belief-driven economic fluctuations may indeed be a feature of the U.S. economy.
There Is No Federal Supremacy Clause: illustrates how the Supreme Court’s federalism jurisprudence has recognized the rights of states and placed new limits on the powers of the federal government, even while the courts have steadfastly deferred to the ‘plenary power’ of Congress in the area of Indian affairs. Clinton suggests that the plenary power doctrine is no longer consistent with a textualist reading of the Constitution, and urges instead an interpretation where there is no federal power over Indian tribes at all without their consent manifested through treaty.
Sovereignty and Illiberalism: introduces the reader to the different set of rights that are controlling upon tribal governments. The Constitution does not apply in Indian country. This means that tribes may use their inherent sovereignty to do things that appear to intrude on the legal protections of their members. Riley’s piece confronts this tension directly by exploring competing sympathies: tribal sovereignty and civil rights.
How do domestic and global factors shape governments’ capacity to issue debt in primary capital markets? Consistent with the ‘democratic advantage’, we identify domestic institutional mechanisms, including executive constraints and policy transparency, that facilitate debt issuance rather than electoral events. Most importantly, we argue that the democratic advantage is contingent: investors’ attention to domestic politics varies with conditions in global capital markets. When global financial liquidity is low, investors are risk-averse, and political risk constrains governments’ capacity to borrow. But when global markets are flush, investors are risk-tolerant and less sensitive to political risk. We support our argument with new data on 245,000 government bond issues in primary capital markets – the point at which governments’ costs of market access matter most – for 131 sovereign issuers (1990–2016). In doing so, we highlight the role of systemic factors, which are under-appreciated in much ‘open economy politics’ research, in determining access to capital markets.
This study quantifies how spending changes induced by the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) affects production and employment in rural and urban areas. A general equilibrium simulation model with an estimated demand system is first used to project how SNAP affects spending on different goods and services. These impacts are then linked to the expansion and contraction of different economic sectors that differ in importance across rural and urban Oregon. In urban areas, a number of service sectors linked to higher-income households shrink slightly in response to SNAP, while food-related sectors expand; the net effect on jobs is slightly negative. Production changes in rural areas are generally smaller, while having a slightly positive net effect on jobs. Overall, SNAP makes a positive difference for low- or no-income households without strong effects elsewhere in the economy.