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National courts have generally embraced a multifold account for causation in virtually all Member States. However, the different national tort law systems structure the multi-stage accounts differently. National judges enforce competition law rules largely relying on their domestic laws of obligations. For this reason, this chapter examines the bundle of tort law and competition law that applies to establish causation in competition damages actions before national courts of England, Germany, France and Italy. These four jurisdictions were selected because of the size of their economies, the amount of litigation and the fact that they show four different, almost paradigmatic, approaches to causation.
This chapter discusses stochastic approaches for modelling chemical reactions (introduced in Chapter 1) and molecular diffusion at the same time. The presented stochastic reaction–diffusion processes add chemical reactions to the two position-jump models of molecular diffusion that are introduced in Chapter 4: the compartment-based approach (described by the reaction–diffusion master equation) and the SDE-based approach, which gives the Brownian dynamics. Basic principles of each approach are explained using an example that includes only zeroth- and first-order chemical reactions. This is followed by discussion of more complicated systems when some chemical species are subject to higher-order chemical reactions. The reaction radius, reaction probability and the choice of the compartment size are studied in detail. The chapter concludes with the discussion of applications to pattern formation in biology, including stochastic French flag model and stochastic Turing patterns.
In this essay, Virginia Ricard argues that Wharton’s view of the place of the individual in society and more particularly the place and role of women was the result of her engagement in French intellectual life. She had read the accounts of French travelers in the United States from Tocqueville to Bourget and had registered their critique of American individualism. This connection did not go unnoticed by French literary critics for whom Wharton‘s novels – and in particular The House of Mirth – became prisms through which to observe American society and the role of women in that society. Yet, as her stance during the Dreyfus Affair shows, Wharton‘s perspective was not simply that of her French predecessors: she developed her own ideas of justice for the individual, of freedom and of progress, while continuing to believe that French society provided the best example of what she called “human communion” precisely because women were essential participants.
This paper studies the relationship between incumbent MPs’ activities and their electoral fortune. We address this question in the context of the French political system characterized by an executive domination, a candidate-centered electoral system, and an electoral schedule maximizing the impact of the presidential elections. Given the contradictory influence of these three institutional features on the relationship between MPs’ activities and electoral results, the overall link can only be assessed empirically. We test the effects of several measurements of MPs’ activities on both their vote share and reelection probability in the 2007 legislative election. We show that MPs’ activities are differently correlated to both the incumbents’ vote shares in the first round and their reelection. Despite the weakness of the French National Assembly, several parliamentary activities, especially bill initiation, have a significant effect on MPs’ electoral prospects.
Official revenue collections in French Indochina were low compared with most other colonies in East and Southeast Asia. This fact stands in contrast to a large body of literature that claims French tax demands were a crushing burden on many indigenous people. French Indochina is often put forward as an example of one of the most extractive colonial states in Asia. This chapter reconciles these seemingly opposing interpretations by examining the formation of the colonial fiscal state, its capacity, and the potential impact on the local population. We argue that the French colonial administration is best characterized as complex, bureaucratic, and centralized. Its fiscal capacity was heavily dependant on the expansion and growth of commercial activities. This led to significant geographical asymmetries in wealth generation and investments, and a complex system of budgetary transfers amongst the different levels of administration. French rule was, however, indirect and responded to local differences. Pre-colonial fiscal institutions survived under French colonial rule, but were not adequately recognised in the figures. This reinforces the claim that the burden to the majority of the population was greater than officially recorded, but it was unevenly distributed.
This chapter contrasts and compares the ways different colonial states in West Africa developed local fiscal capacity. We show that per capita revenues were higher in the more commercialised coastal export economies than in remote parts of the interior. We argue that British and French approaches to fiscal expansion differed partly because opportunities to tax trade were lower in French West Africa, where a larger share of the revenues were drawn from direct taxes, usually in combination with mandatory labour services or forced cultivation programmes. The imposition of a federal system in the French-ruled territories created tighter financial ties between the AOF and France than were seen in the British colonies, who enjoyed larger scale advantages in revenue collection based on higher population densities and lower barriers to transport and communication. Despite these differences, all fiscal regimes remained too weak to function as a solid basis for sovereign debt creation by the time of independence. This put the post-colonial states of West Africa in a precarious situation, especially when world market prices for their export commodities dropped in the 1970s, while interest rates on public debt shot up in the 1980s.
The ability of ancient biofiction to become actively political comes to the surface in this chapter. It focuses on biofictional receptions of Lucan’s Bellum ciuile (sometimes called Pharsalia), an epic written under Nero about the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, in and around periods of revolutionary politics, and in particular in early modern England in the period leading up to and following the English revolution and in peri-revolutionary France. At the centre of the ancient and Renaissance biographical tradition about Lucan was the story of how the poet was forced to commit suicide by Nero crudelis (Martial 7.21.3) following his involvement in a plot to assassinate the emperor. For readers working through ideas of republicanism, reading Lucan’s text through the lens of the Life transformed the poet’s death into a function of his own epic, inscribed in the textual discourse of the Bellum ciuile itself.
John Calvin converted to evangelical doctrines in his homeland, France, where Protestantism was officially proscribed. In 1535, during a spike in heresy persecution, like scores of evangelicals before him and thousands afterward, he fled as a religious refugee. By the time of his death in 1564, though ever an exile in Geneva, he had done more than any other person to transform the religious politics of France, which had plunged into the beginning of a long “war of religion” (1562–1598). That civil war’s chief protagonists, French Reformed Protestants, “Huguenots,” were his disciples. In attempting to put Calvin in proper context, one must describe both the political environment that shaped his and other French people’s response to Protestantism as well as his role, among all the other major actors, in reshaping it.
The French religious universe of John Calvin’s youth was complex and powerful. Calvin retained and strengthened many of its central beliefs and practices. Others he modified and realigned to reflect his understanding of an authentic scripturally based Christianity. Finally, Calvin emphatically rejected and sought to suppress a third group of religious views and behaviors that he regarded as unfounded, superstitious, and, in some instances, dangerously idolatrous. Whatever Calvin’s assessment, late medieval religious practices and the beliefs that undergirded them were elaborate and pervasive. They held great appeal for a substantial number of people from all social strata, extending from the broad oral culture of the unlettered majority to the elite ranks of the learned and privileged.
Recent research has focused on bilingual children’s performance on non-word repetition (NWR) and sentence repetition (SR) tasks, but it remains unclear how their scores can be expected to vary as a function of language exposure, which creates challenges for developing age-appropriate performance expectations. With the goal of examining the impact of limited language exposure on these tasks, French NWR and SR performance from 33 first graders (mean age 6 years, 10 months) in early total French immersion in English-speaking Canada was compared to prior work on bilinguals acquiring French in France. With a mean length of exposure of 1 year, 7 months, but a mean cumulative length of exposure of only 3 months, the children in immersion have much less daily exposure to French than the bilinguals in France. The results showed that children in immersion patterned with the other bilinguals for NWR, but had much weaker SR performance. Within-subjects analyses revealed that, for SR, the children in immersion had stronger scores on wh-questions and relative clauses, which suggests that these structures may be less sensitive to language exposure.
The introduction begins with a critical biographical overview of Aron’s career as a whole. This overview, which opens with an account of Aron’s emergence in the 1970s as an anti-totalitarian icon, serves as a point of entry into the larger questions addressed throughout the book. Both the 'French liberal revival' and Aron’s specific contribution to it have, it is argued, previously been treated more in laudatory evaluative terms than critical analytical ones. While the liberal status of Aron’s political thought has been largely taken for granted, the French liberal renaissance has been analysed on its own terms such that its claims for the historical illiberality of French political culture in particular have often been taken at face value. These points lead into a brief historiographical review which links the literature on Aron and the liberal revival to recent debates around the history of French and European liberalism more broadly.
This chapter focuses on Aron’s interpretation of Montesquieu and Tocqueville and his influential self-description as their ‘belated descendant’ in his book Main Currents of Sociological Thought. It argues, firstly, that in this book Aron’s invention of a ‘French school of political sociology’ represented by these liberal forbears was part of wider efforts among sociologists to rewrite their discipline’s history at a time when it was becoming unprecedentedly popularised and institutionalised. It shows that the decline of Durkheimian hegemony at this juncture had opened up a consensus gap between French sociologists, some of whom - including Aron - responded by rewriting the discipline’s past to legitimate their competing visions of its future. The chapter also shows how Aron read Montesquieu and Tocqueville through the lens of his earlier philosophical writings in an attempt to revise the epistemological basis of his political thought. Ironically, this project was substantially indebted to previous readings of Montesquieu and Tocqueville by some of the same Durkheimian colleagues against whom Aron defined himself and the ‘French school of political sociology’ in Main Currents.
This chapter considers Raymond Aron’s position in the intellectual history of liberalism from several angles. It argues that in relation to the Dreyfusard liberalism of his teachers’ generation his attitude was mostly critical but that he played a crucial role in the formulation of what has since come to be known as cold war liberalism. The chapter also offers a critique of the notion of a ‘French liberal revival’ and concludes by considering the implications of Aron’s oeuvre for the crisis of liberalism in the early twenty-first century.
This chapter considers Raymond Aron’s role in the ‘liberal moment’ of the 1970s and 1980s, when a significant broadening of interest in liberalism occurred among French intellectuals. It begins by considering the significance of intellectual anti-totalitarianism in these years. Rather than reducing late twentieth-century French intellectual anti-totalitarianism to anti-communist politics, the chapter shows how French intellectuals’ preoccupations with the problem of totalitarianism informed significant innovations in historiography and political theory. It also shows how the notion of ‘the political’ entered into widespread use among intellectuals in these years and considers Aron’s influence on this development. On the broadening of interest in liberalism the chapter argues for the existence of two main strands to the French liberal moment: one associated with Aron that emerged in hostile opposition to the events of May ’68 and another associated with Claude Lefort that viewed the events and legacy of 1968 in an altogether more positive light.
This chapter builds upon the previous one by examining how the town’s residents reacted to the arrival of newcomers who behaved more aggressively and could resort to their own means of military support: first the representatives of the Zanzibari sultanate, who arrived in the 1840s to oversee the caravan trade, and then the French Catholics, who established their first mainland mission in Bagamoyo in 1868. Both case studies reveal struggles which demarcated the social boundary between insiders and outsiders, wenyeji and watu wa kuja. While people could develop their own sense of attachment to a place regardless of how earlier settlers might view them, it did not mean that the newcomers could behave in ways antagonistic to established convention. Power in Bagamoyo rested in local hands; to succeed in the town, one had to respect the interests and institutions of the community. Thus, newcomers to Bagamoyo had to become localized, meaning they had to adapt to local customs and become accepted by the local inhabitants. As we saw in Chapter 1, the Indians and upcountry Africans respected established customs, even as they introduced ones of their own. For those who flouted local interests, the repercussions were often violent
Chapter 6 documents inland cultivation strategies during the final two decades of the antebellum period. Using as a model the Biggin Basin, located at the headwaters of the Cooper River, this chapter discusses how a community of former inland rice planters revitalized the practice to supplement cotton production as a way to counter the fluctuating market. Revival of inland rice was a consequence of agricultural reform that took hold in select planter circles in the mid-nineteenth century. Lowcountry planters were part of this larger population having received the message through agricultural journals and societies, and scientific books. Promoters of agricultural reform called for a modern and scientific practice of agriculture to maintain soil fertility and crop output, halt westward migration, and curb the loss of status and political power by the South Atlantic states.
This paper documents the existence of swiping – that is, inversion of a wh-phrase and its associated preposition under sluicing – in a non-Germanic language. We discuss swiping in a variety of Ontario French (Lafontaine French, LFF), which shares some of the characteristics of its extensively-studied English counterpart (Ross 1969, Merchant 2002, among others). We offer a preliminary description of swiping in LFF and consider some implications of these novel facts for the theory of swiping and sluicing. We suggest that LFF swiping supports an analysis in terms of non-constituent deletion, as originally suggested by Ross (1969) in his seminal work on sluicing.
This chapter examines the causes and processes of spontaneous revolutions, focusing on how state crises and weaknesses provide space and opportunity for localized expressions of political anger and other sparks for social movements. If, as encouraged by increased state vulnerability, missteps, and elite defections, these social movements grow into something bigger, a spontaneous revolution can ensue. These revolutions are initially without ideology and their leaders and outcome are not predetermined. The French revolution of 1978, the Russian Revolution of February 1917, and the Iranian revolution of 1978 can be classified as spontaneous revolutions.