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Attuning to feminism with sound as a trans-historical listening practice, this chapter considers the intersections of feminism(s) and sound through echo, making the case for the phenomenon of echoic sound as feminist method alongside considering Echo, the Greek mythological character whose reappearances through literature confer upon her a cumulative agency, evidenced in her sonic invention/intervention. The writing charts a reading of Echo as complicating any idea of a coherent female identity, and then considers echo’s legacy through two recent examples of sonic art works: Bouchra Ouizguen’s Corbeaux and Sonya Boyce’s Devotional Series, both of which insistently demand to take up space through sounding out multiple times, and multiple women in and through history. Rather than constructing identities of the artist and/or audience, the chapter attends to these works’ formation of collectives in and of those who witness, organised following Jennifer Nash in her writing on black feminist love politics, ‘around the vibrancy and complexity of difference.’
The concluding chapter describes the equal sharers as nonconformists, resisters of gendered norms, and recounts the social criticism that their lifestyle can evoke. The chapter identifies factors across diverse cultures that enable this resistance. They include couples’ conscious adoption of egalitarian principles and insistence that they be put into practice, which often entails women’s sense of entitlement to equality, and their ongoing communication with their partners. In addition, anti-essentialist beliefs, familism, and anti-materialism underwrite their equality. Lessons from their families of origin, whose lives they either imitate or reject also encourage their resistance to gendered norms. Finally, the chapter enumerates the rewards equal sharing provides for men, women, marriage/partnership, and children.
Queer of color critique emerged from within and across the epistemic fractures created by a set of late twentieth-century projects – such as queer studies, postcolonial studies, ethnic studies, indigenous studies, and feminist studies – that forcibly made visible the western settler-colonial white-male heterosexual social order that both liberal and radical critiques privileged, perpetuated, or ignored. It contributed to these interdisciplinary fields by stressing the co-constitutive weave of normalizing power, examined by post-structuralist queer critiques, with social and state dominative powers, which have been the focus of women of color and third world feminist critiques of heteropatriarchy, the “feminization” of transnationalized labor, and state/carceral management of de- and post-industrialization. Queer of color critiques identify aesthetics and politics that defy liberal and radical conceptions of engaged social critique and the (hetero)normative field of the “political” they enfranchise, secure, circulate, and expand through state apparatuses that violate and stigmatize our varied relatedness.
Contemporary queer activism and scholarship builds on foundational work by women of color feminists, black feminists, and black gay artists. Anthologies and films, including This Bridge Called My Back edited by Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherríe Moraga, Sister Outsider by Audre Lorde, and Tongues Untied directed by Marlon Riggs, created languages and practices about difference and care that were central to organizing around AIDS. Working across difference, an organizing principle that pursues shared, liberatory goals without presuming a shared identity, requires creating coalitions within and across national borders that are attentive to the most vulnerable populations. Working across difference also depends on care work – the unglamorous, uncompensated practices of mutual aid, including nursing and mourning. Care work is the often invisible labor that sustained AIDS organizing, particularly as it was performed by grieving gays and lesbians, unable to participate in more visible public actions. As practices central to the emergence of queer politics and cultural production, working across difference and care work remains indispensable to imagining and pursuing freedom.
Chapter 6 argues that evolutionary theories of crypsis and display served as models for thinking through the positions of disempowered, marginalised groups at the turn of the century. Israel Zangwill sometimes invoked protective mimicry to decry Jewish assimilation as the degenerate defence mechanism of helpless dependents. Persecution, he complained, had driven Jews to become invisible and, thus, alienated from their own nature. Conversely, Charlotte Perkins Gilman made sense of women’s perceived weakness via the conspicuous display of sexual selection. Gilman argued that women’s eye-catching, impractical clothes reflected their feeble dependence on men. Through their rhetoric of standing out and blending in, both authors sought to recover the imagined authentic essences of their group identities, which regimes of Gentile or male surveillance had repressed. Yet they also imagined this self-realisation being asserted through visual display. The intersubjectivity of display rendered it inherently inauthentic, mediated by arbitrary symbols. This contradiction caused Zangwill’s vision of Jewish self-realisation to vacillate between essentialism and anti-essentialism, between a return to pure origins and progression toward open-ended, heterogeneous identity. Gilman’s vision similarly vacillated between the restoration of a primordial female ‘modesty’ and the progressive transcendence of visible sex distinctions.
The chapter presents the vaizeler’s engagement in inviting women to participate in the mosque’s public realm. This invitation (davet in Turkish) consists of a call of the vaizeler that dates back to the origins of Islam, a period reported as a “golden age” for women’s participation within the religious community. The Diyanet’s projects sought to invite women to mosques and to forge a “new religious woman” who is representing these old, traditional models in a modern way. In everyday life, inviting women to mosques requires the vaize to be aware of the communities’ heterogeneous attendance. Their sessions are places in which women share concerns with both the group and the preachers. Far from any wishful thinking about women’s resistance, victimization, or fears of “false consciousness,” the engagement of women in the Diyanet’s sessions embodies the concept of a “good Muslim woman” behaving piously in everyday life.
The chapter introduces the topic of the feminization of the Diyanet within the context of Turkish secularism. It disrupts and breaks down the conceptualizations that are mainly associated with the decision to establish new offices for women within the Diyanet. It provides a conceptual and epistemic toolbox that allows for the gendering of the religious–secular divide. Four hypotheses are then presented and critically examined: The first relates the Diyanet’s decision to employ an increasing number of women to the debate on Islamic feminism. The second deals with devout women’s access within the Diyanet bureaucracy, pointing out their engagement within Islamist movements in the 1990s. The third relates the increase in Diyanet’s female personnel to the evolution of the Turkish state’s monopoly over religion. The fourth focuses on the state-sponsored moral support directed toward women and families within the frame of a redefinition of religious services. Finally, the chapter illustrates the methodology of the work, stressing the importance of ethnographic observations to include a perspective from within on public policies.
Puritanism was a feminized religion, with woman as normative. But through their control of disciplinary practices, laymen were able to reject the feminine aspects of faith for male members and redefine a masculine Puritanism that focused on communal duty instead of individual piety. Censures focused on women’s individual piety led to the development of a religious self; for men, they focused on public responsibility, leading men to express their religiosity in civic spaces. The Puritan “errand in the wilderness” had the potential to radically alter gender rules, as ministers and doctrine called for a feminized spirituality and believed that all souls were equal. However, laymen veered from clerical prescriptions and developed a gendered Puritanism that contributed to the creation of the modern gender ideology of separate spheres, where men occupied the important public spaces and women were relegated to the private sphere. By the end of the third generation, in which female membership was dominant, Puritanism lost its public power and was relegated to the private sphere, where it intensified its focus on the religious self and individual piety.
Feminist International Relations (IR) theory is haunted by a radical feminist ghost. From Enloe's suggestion that the personal is both political and international, often seen as the foundation of feminist IR, feminist IR scholarship has been built on the intellectual contributions of a body of theory it has long left for dead. Though Enloe's sentiment directly references the Hanisch's radical feminist rallying call, there is little direct engagement with the radical feminist thinkers who popularised the sentiment in IR. Rather, since its inception, the field has been built on radical feminist thought it has left for dead. This has left feminist IR troubled by its radical feminist roots and the conceptual baggage that feminist IR has unreflectively carried from second-wave feminism into its contemporary scholarship. By returning to the roots of radical feminism we believe IR can gain valuable insights regarding the system of sex-class oppression, the central role of heterosexuality in maintaining this system, and the feminist case for revolutionary political action in order to dismantle it.
This article provides an overview of the contributions to philosophy of Nigerian philosopher Sophie Bọ´sẹ`dé Olúwọlé (1935–2018). The first woman to earn a philosophy PhD in Nigeria, Olúwọlé headed the Department of Philosophy at the University of Lagos before retiring to found and run the Centre for African Culture and Development. She devoted her career to studying Yoruba philosophy, translating the ancient Yoruba Ifá canon, which embodies the teachings of Orunmila, a philosopher revered as an Óríṣá in the Ifá pantheon. Seeing his works as examples of secular reasoning and argument, she compared Orunmila's and Socrates' philosophies and methods and explored similarities and differences between African and European philosophies. A champion of African oral traditions, Olúwọlé argued that songs, proverbs, liturgies, and stories are important sources of African responses to perennial philosophical questions as well as to contemporary issues, including feminism. She argued that the complementarity that ran throughout Yoruba philosophy guaranteed women's rights and status, and preserved an important role for women, youths, and foreigners in politics.
A short afterward suggests the new audacity archive can be expanded through the inclusion of other writers not tackled in this text and that we will need feminism’s new audacity in these troubled times.
In the introduction I define the term ‘new audacity’ as the recent refusal of shame, silence, and a boldness in tackling difficult topics in life-writing by feminists. I introduce the authors I will be studying, define feminism for the project, and discuss the history of experimental feminist life-writing and new audacity’s precurssors. I also show how new audacity writing is different to French autofiction, new narrative, and the new sincerity, and provide a chapter summary.
Vanessa Place is one of this volume’s more notorious authors. I examine Place’s Tragodía (2010-11), a three-volume publication reproducing court reports written as part of her job as an appellant attorney for convicted rapists and paedophiles. Poetry scholars have hailed the project as a work of audacious feminism. This chapter provides careful comparisons of one of Tragodía’s cases with the original legal appeals documents from which it is drawn and another, non-poetic work by Place, The Guilt Project. I argue that Place’s conceptual audacity complicates and works against her stated feminist politics vis-à-vis the sex workers in the trial. Place provides a highly curated encounter with traumatic material, one which raises ethical questions about audacity’s role in furthering an author’s reputation and how that interacts with her stated feminist position. I use this final chapter to explore the ambivalences and contradictions in the politics of one particularly contentious new audacity author. Taken together, these chapters provide a guide to the contours of new audacity writing, its stakes, its politics, its contradictions, and its challenges to contemporary orthodoxies.
Sexualized naked protest using young and attractive women's bodies have long featured in the repertoire of protest tools for interventions in public space. Antirape feminist groups and nonhuman-animal rights activist groups, in particular, have mobilized these bodies to attract attention to their causes. Contemporary debates have suggested that these sorts of protest are objectionable, and that they are entwined with contemporary rape culture. This article complicates these accounts by considering what happens when the naked body is presented as a grotesquery in the service of these apparently emancipatory politics.
Analyzing two instances of naked protest as case studies, this article examines what happens to naked protest when the bodies protesting are “ugly” or are rendered so. The analysis suggests that naked protest featuring bodies that are “ugly” harbors the possibility of mobilizing a transgressive politics beyond contemporary rape culture. This article has implications for better understanding how to mobilize protest in a way that is transgressive and bold without further enshrining rape culture as the normative background against which it takes place.
This article reviews the common models of pious women's agency in the literature with respect to pious feminist perceptions in Turkey, and calls for a relational approach to subjectivity and autonomy. After critically assessing individualistic models of pious women's autonomy as well as the main theoretical tenets of Saba Mahmood's landmark study on the women's piety movement in Egypt, I argue that previous models cannot fully explain the second stage of pious subjectivity-formation in the pious feminist narratives in Turkey, which combines habituation with informed choice. In the intersection of applied theory and ethnographic empirical research, my study posits the need for a relational reformulation of these common models that can account for (1) self-constitutive engagement with multiple discursive traditions, and (2) the importance of complex and interrelated webs of relationships. I suggest that Jennifer Nedelsky's relational self and relational autonomy and Kenneth Gergen's relational multi-being might provide a starting point for such an approach.
The period since 1980, one of intense social change in Ireland, has witnessed manifold scholarly and intellectual breakthroughs, a weighty library of historiography, and a fluorescence of cultural criticism that has greatly enriched our understanding of Ireland and the Irish story. Yet despite its scholarly and intellectual achievements, there are besetting contradictions and conflicts in the field that we call ‘Irish studies’. Irish studies has a national focus, but an inextricably international institutional ecology. This essay charts the story of Irish studies alert to these contradictions. It examines how and where it developed as a scholarly field, how it responded to internal and external pressures, including the Troubles. It considers how Irish studies negotiated academic frames such as postcolonialism, feminism, and cultural theory and, relatedly, the lasting impact of revisionist-nationalist debates. It analyses how consensus and debate formed what Irish studies covered and, as importantly, what it did not. It concludes by considering the impact of the transnational turn on Irish studies in the twenty-first century.
In this chapter, female homosocial relationships are explored as confident articulations of female identity and as suggestive models of political governance. Despite widespread anxiety about female-only assembly and scepticism regarding the virtues of female friendship, women writers in this period evidently found friendship between women to be a theme in which they could articulate and explore a range of feelings and emotions not otherwise sanctioned by their culture. The chapter considers a range of poetry and fiction – by Charlotte McCarthy, Margaret Goddard, Olivia Elder, Frances Sheridan, and her daughter Elizabeth – in relation to differentially situated ideas of ‘sisterhood’ before turning to the ways in which Ireland came to be figured as a ‘sister’ kingdom to Britain in the later century, thus shaping the proto-feminism of earlier traditions in new, national formations.
Countries around the world adopt different types of gender equality principles in government action plans, and these principles play a critical role in determining public policies regarding gender issues. International actors may prod countries in this direction; these actors include regional international parliaments. However, the power of regional international parliaments varies, allowing us to investigate the extent to which they have an impact on national governments’ adoption of policy frameworks for gender equality. This study analyzes the impact of regional international parliaments on governments’ gender equality policy frameworks. A three-dimension scale was developed to measure the degree to which governments have developed policy frameworks for gender equality. In multivariate modeling using a broad range of control variables, the study finds that the strength of regional international parliaments has a robust impact on governments’ policy frameworks for gender equality.
Forestalling sureties about what constitutes violence and feminism and the relationships between violence and feminism have been significant themes in the work of feminist International Relations theorist Marysia Zalewski. I follow how Zalewski, through her work and work with others including myself, interrupts well-trodden ‘trails’ of violence and feminism to open up thinking about both. I consider how her provocative work on violence and particularly feminist violence prefigures and advances cutting-edge critical thought on violence as represented in the ‘Histories of Violence’ project. What I call her ‘palimpsestic’ or multilayered and intertextual approach to violence reveals it as not only destructive, but also productive in terms of breaking with deadening conventions. I also consider her conceptualisation of feminist violence as both epistemic and militant over time in relation to some contemporary feminist insurgencies, the kinds of insurgencies that serve as her muses for breaking out of forms of ‘secured’ feminism and opening space for unbounded feminist thought. Consistent with her insistence that theory (and writing) should provide uncomfortable openings, not comforting foreclosures, I end not with a conclusion about her work, but rather echo her call to resist the kind of ‘knowing’ that suffocates critical thinking and (re)generative feminist thought.
Irish divorce reform began in the recognition of foreign divorces which produced convoluted case law from the time of the 1937 Irish constitution. The balance of these rulings pivoted on domicile, the intention to reside in a country permanently, which was challenging to test and still dictated by a husband’s domicile. Reform in foreign divorce and domicile was forthcoming from the 1980s and was part of a broader process of Irish family law reform which reflected changing social mores including those relating to the central position of the Catholic church in the Irish state. Some more liberal Irish priests emerged in the 1960s yet, more effective in prompting a reassessment of the position of the Catholic church was Vatican II, which recognised democracy and liberalism. The level of martial breakdown in independent Ireland was also becoming clearer and harder to ignore. A key recommendation of the New Ireland Forum of the mid-1980s was therefore the separation of church and state but divorce reform still provoked antagonistic and often religiously-charged debate.