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This chapter argues that the emergence of what we recognize as the modern international system develops through evolving practices of diplomacy. IR literature has increasingly paid attention to the early modern development of diplomacy to understand the origins of the system. This chapter offers a distinct interpretation of the importance of diplomacy from the perspective of the closure thesis. In contrast to the typical account of diplomacy as mediating the political fractures that resulted from the breakdown of Christendom, it argues that the adoption and diffusion of specific diplomatic practices, such as the permanent resident ambassador, facilitated closure and boundary-drawing by narrowing the types of actors invested with rights of political representation. Diplomatic practices emerged in part as a means of producing common goods and securing privileged access to those goods for some political actors, while facilitating the political exclusion and subordination of others. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the argument’s contemporary relevance. In reflecting on an historical age in which the sovereign state was not yet the only legitimate political agent, the contemporary question is whether today’s legal and representational rights at the global level can or should be emancipated from the state.
The rise in support for anti-political-establishment parties (APEp), especially since the beginning of the 2008 Great Recession, has put democracy in peril. Some scholars have warned us about the negative implications the recent rise of APEp might have for the development of democracy in Western Europe. For that reason, it is important we begin to understand what generates APEp’s electoral success. Drawing on a new comparative dataset that examines all Western European democracies from 1849 until 2017, the current article attempts to provide an explanation. In particular, our analyses examine three alternative explanations put forward by the literature: economic, institutional, and sociological. Our results show that it is not economic performance but both institutional and sociological change which together can help to understand the current wave of support for APEp.
What we eat is our business, or so we generally believe. We also acknowledge that our individual failures to eat properly have a broader social impact, even if we’re not sure what to do about it. These tensions between individual choice, public well-being, and the wealth and strength of the nation were born in the Enlightenment. While states have always worried about the political implications of famine, only in the eighteenth century did the particularities of what ordinary people ate attract the attention of political theorists: it was in the eighteenth century that everyday eating habits became a matter of state concern. New theories about how to build economically successful states led to new ideas about the relationship between individual diets and national resilience—what we might call food security. Concerned to build healthy populations, eighteenth-century political and economic writers increasingly recommended potatoes as an ideal foodstuff. Potatoes had reached Europe in the sixteenth century, when Spanish colonists introduced this Andean tuber. In the Americas the potato has nourished ordinary people for millennia, and it was ordinary people in Europe and elsewhere who were largely responsible for transforming the potato into the global status that it has today.
The Enlightenment’s promotion of the potato reflect the close relationship between new ideas about the political importance of everyday eating habits, and new ways of thinking about the economy. Just as Adam Smith recommended that allowing individuals to pursue their own interests would ultimately result in a flourishing economy, so potato-enthusiasts (Smith included) argued that the best way to build a robust population was to empower individuals to make sound dietary choices through campaigns of information and exhortation. Rarely did they suggest that people be obliged to grow or eat potatoes. Such suggestions would have run counter to the entire philosophy that underpinned much enlightened interest in food supply: the new discipline of political economy. This history reveals the eighteenth-century origins of the current, neoliberal, insistence that healthy eating is best understood as a form of individual consumer empowerment that at the same time builds a stronger economy and body politic. Potatoes offer a concrete, everyday example of how this confluence of private interest and public benefit was imagined to occur, at the very moment when these ideas were first theorised.
The potato has nourished ordinary people in the Americas for millennia. Villagers along the Andes grew a great variety of potatoes, which were used in diverse ways to provide year-round nourishment. The Europeans who reached South America’s Pacific coast in the 1530s introduced potatoes to Europe, thereby initiating its global spread. Once in Europe, the potato attracted little attention from representatives of the state. Uninterested as they were in the everyday eating habits of European labourers, few learned writers assessed the novel plant’s potential as a foodstuff for Europeans. Those who did complained that the potato was excessively nourishing and so facilitated laziness. Ordinary people, in contrast, embraced the potato, which possessed a number of advantages over existing foodstuffs. Potatoes can produce a prolific harvest even in poor soil, and make a sustaining meal. Moreover, precisely because states were not interested in the everyday eating habits of poorer folk, it took many decades for the potato to attract the attention of tax-collectors. Potatoes thus allowed peasants and labourers to evade some of the less welcome aspects of state control. It is they who are responsible for the potato’s entry into the European diet.
Kurdish activists in the diaspora have played an important role in making the map of greater Kurdistan a widely used symbol of Kurdish territoriality. Their location in liberal democratic states away from home-country pressure gives space for the cultivation of ethnic and cultural identities and enables Kurdish activists to carry out activities. Through their transnational links, they are able to politicise their co-ethnics at home and abroad, raise awareness on the perceived or real unfair treatment of Kurdish people in their home countries and lobby their host states and the international community to support the Kurds and put pressure on their home countries. They combined the prevalent normative and political discourse of human rights, justice and democracy with their identity-based territoriality. They argued that the Kurds are one nation and have one territory and their people and homeland are divided by states. This dividedness, for them, is the underlying cause of the injustices, sufferings and non-democratic treatment they experience. Indeed, pan-Kurdish ideas are often stronger among the Kurdish diaspora than among the Kurds in the region.
Potatoes were deeply embedded in nineteenth-century arguments about the merits of capitalism. The potato’s contested status emerges clearly in discussions about Ireland. In the eighteenth century, the potato’s contribution to the Irish diet had been viewed positively, because it enabled population growth. By the mid-nineteenth century it had become both an alarming illustration of the perils of economic autarky and a testament to the evils of capitalism. Commentators on all sides of the debate agreed that the potato encapsulated something of capitalism’s essence. At the same time, as urbanisation and industrialisation advanced, the conviction that the population’s eating habits had a material impact on the body politic only deepened. The new language of nutrition provided a vocabulary for expressing this relationship. From the mid-nineteenth century the potato’s growing importance within the working-class diet attracted the worried attention of nutritionists and statesmen, who condemned the effects of ‘lazy potato blood’ on the working body: the potato’s popularity with workers was blamed for lacklustre economic growth. Talking about potatoes provided a way for working people, scientists, economists and politicians to discuss the enormous changes that were reshaping nineteenth-century Europe in ways that stressed the close connections between economic practices and everyday eating habits.
The potato’s political invisibility ended in the eighteenth century, when it attained unprecedented political prominence. The nourishing qualities that had once drawn criticism began to be viewed more positively. As a result, the potato became the object of intense scientific and political interest across Europe, as officials, local societies, agronomists, priests and many other organisations and individuals promoted potato consumption in word and deed. This extensive, pan-European potato investigation and propaganda resulted in the publication of hundreds of texts extolling the potato’s potential as a superior staple for working people, one whose greater consumption would help ensure the strength and success of the nation. Its popularity reflected the emergence of the new models of political economy and governance that stressed the importance of a healthy, well-nourished population to the power and wealth of the state. Integrating the slower history of the potato’s conquest of European dietaries, discussed in , with its frenetic promotion in the eighteenth century illuminates the central role that food came to play in modern models of statecraft.
Roman historians often claimed that their ancestors did not have images of the gods, but a closer look at both the archaeological and textual evidence suggests that images of the gods were venerated at Rome at a very early date. Similarly, both ancient and modern writers have claimed that Iron Age European religion was entirely aniconic. This chapter surveys Iron Age statues in stone, metal, and wood to provide evidence that the gods were worshipped in the form of images prior to the Roman conquest. The stone images include important and recent finds from the Glauberg and Vix, a large series of buste-socles from Paule, Nîmes, and elsewhere, while metal representations include statues from Bouray and St. Maur. Surviving wooden images, including those known as Holzidole from northern Europe, finds from Pforzheim, Villeneuve, and Yverdon-les-Bains, all suggest that wood was a common medium for depicting the gods in the Iron Age. These early images possessed a degree of iconographic variety that allowed the divinity represented to be identified. More importantly, the context of these artworks confirms that they were the focus of ritual, the recipients of offerings and sacrifices, and not just funerary markers or representations of local aristocrats.
Street food is popular in Eastern Europe, but its diversity and nutritional value is unknown. This study aimed to characterise the street food environment in Chișinău, Moldova, including the vending sites and vendors, food availability and nutritional composition of foods and beverages. All street food vending sites (single points of sale) located in a 1-km buffer centred on the main public market were systematically selected (n=439; n=328 participants). Data on vending sites’ characteristics (mobility, type of physical setup and access to electricity), operating periods and food availability was collected. Samples of the most commonly available foods of unknown composition were collected (28 homemade; 24 industrial). Macronutrients, sodium and potassium were quantified through chemical analysis. Fruit, beverages and food other than fruit were available in 2.5%, 74.3% and 80.8% of the vending sites. Among the latter, 66.4% sold only industrial (e.g. pretzels, biscuits, wafers, chocolate and ice-cream), 21.5% only homemade (e.g. savoury and sweet pastries) and 12.1% both. Homemade foods presented larger serving sizes and energy/serving (median kcal/serving: 313.7 vs. 160.2, p=0.022); industrial foods were more energy-dense (median kcal/100g: 429.5 vs. 303.5, p=0.002). High saturated, trans-fat and sodium content was found, reaching 10.9 g/serving, 1.4 g/serving and 773.7 mg/serving, respectively. Soft drinks and alcoholic beverages were available in 80.7% and 42.0% of the vending sites selling beverages. Concluding, industrial snacks and homemade pastries high in sodium and unhealthy fat, were frequent in Chișinău. Prevention of diet-related diseases in Moldova may benefit from the improvement of the nutritional profile of street food.
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role in the representation of citizens' interests towards policymakers. However, they increasingly run their campaigns not only against policymakers, but also against corporations. While the choice among strategies has been examined either in the state (targeting policymakers) or in the market (targeting companies), the choice between the two remains unexamined. Moreover, conventional studies of advocacy have failed to comparatively assess how groups combine strategies. This study fills these gaps, examining when NGOs target their campaigns at (a) the market, (b) the state and (c) both. It examines 24 NGO campaigns in the UK and Italy using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. Three main findings emerge. First, structural factors – especially the openness of the market – are most important in determining which target an NGO chooses. Second, campaigns that combine strategies tend to be either market- or state-oriented. Finally, high resources are the factor that pushes NGOs to combine strategies across the market and the state.
It is often claimed that changes in material culture signify adaptations to changing environments. Deploying novel conceptual models and computational techniques, research funded by the European Research Council seeks to reconstruct the patterns and processes of cultural transmission and adaptation at the turbulent transition from the Pleistocene to the Holocene.
This article contests the view that the strong positive correlation between anti-immigration attitudes and far right party success necessarily constitutes evidence in support of the cultural grievance thesis. We argue that the success of far right parties depends on their ability to mobilize a coalition of interests between their core supporters, that is voters with cultural grievances over immigration and the often larger group of voters with economic grievances over immigration. Using individual level data from eight rounds of the European Social Survey, our empirical analysis shows that while cultural concerns over immigration are a stronger predictor of far right party support, those who are concerned with the impact of immigration on the economy are important to the far right in numerical terms. Taken together, our findings suggest that economic grievances over immigration remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage.
“Civilization” is surely among those concepts that are the most widely used in world political discourse but taken least seriously by contemporary social science. We argue for jettisoning this concept’s Huntingtonian baggage, which has led scholarship into a dead end, and developing a new body of theory on a different foundation, one grounded strongly in recent nonprimordial theories of identity and micro-level research into how ordinary people actually understand the civilizational appeals made by their elites. In what we believe to be the first systematic survey-based study of individual-level civilizational identification, we establish proof-of-concept by asking a question: What influences individuals’ primary identification of their own country with particular civilizational alternatives offered up by their elites? Pooling survey data gathered in Russia from 2013–2014, we confirm that civilizational identity reflects the influence of situational considerations and social construction processes. Whether individuals see Russia as part of purported “European,” “Eurasian,” or “Asian” civilizations depends heavily on gendered and nongendered socialization during the USSR period and factors as contingent as perceived economic performance. Results also confirm our expectation that Huntingtonian concepts fit poorly with real-world patterns of civilizational identification.
As the 1950s progressed, emigration acquired a new international dimension, affecting Israel’s relations with other countries and harming the ability of Israelis to travel freely in Europe.
From 1951 to 1953, emigration from Israel amounted to more than double the number in the preceding three years. Many of the emigrants intended to go to Canada, but due to Canadian procedures, many migrants got stranded in Europe en route from Israel to Canada. The complications reached their apogee in the Foehrenwald DP camp in Bavaria, which was closed only in 1957 and thus became a magnet for Israeli remigrants seeking sanctuary from the troubles they had encountered in Europe. The illicit movement into Foehrenwald was an impediment to the German efforts to close the camp and terminate the Jewish refugee problem in Germany. It also led to the ironic situation whereby Israeli remigrants were threatened with deportation from Germany to Israel. Their status developed into a diplomatic issue between the Israeli and West German governments. Other European governments also imposed restrictions on immigration from Israel.
Israeli emigration now drew negative international attention from government officials, relief officers, and Jewish community leaders, tuning it into a source of political embarrassment for Israel.
This chapter deals with the difficulties of Jews who left Israel in the immediate years following independence. During those years, Europe was the main destination for emigrants from Israel. But while some emigrants wished to settle in Europe, many went there in search of further emigration possibilities. The chapter begins with a discussion of the hardships faced by new immigrants in Israel and the motivations behind emigration. It then focuses on the circumstances surrounding emigrants’ departure from Israel and arrival in Europe, their encounters with relief agencies and Jewish communities, and their attempts to emigrate overseas.
Emigrants found that relief agencies and countries of immigration were reluctant to provide material support and resettlement services to people who had already settled in Israel, which was regarded as the foremost country for resettlement of Jewish refugees. Migrants also encountered constraints imposed by the Israeli government which obstructed emigration from the country. They found that by leaving Israel, they had gone against the grain and put themselves in conflict with the bodies on whose assistance they were hoping to rely. Immigration to Israel for them was not a permanent return from exile but rather another stage in the struggle to find a home.
The Introduction lays out the main purposes, themes, and arguments of the manuscript and places them in a historiographical and theoretical framework. It discusses the tension between exile and homeland, the significance of the Land of Israel, and the importance of the theme of return to the land in Zionist consciousness, and provides a historical overview of Jewish immigration to Palestine/Israel from the late nineteenth century to the early years of Israeli statehood.
This background helps to clarify the degree to which emigration was antithetical to the Zionist spirit, and was therefore seen as a threat to the national project and condemned as an act of treason. The Introduction demonstrates the various ideological, political, and logistical challenges that emigration posed to the Israeli state and society, to Jewish diaspora communities, and to relief agencies in countries of destination. It engages studies of migration and nationalism to clarify the problematic role of emigration as a phenomenon and emigrants as individuals in the Israeli nation-building process.
The Introduction also discusses the statistical and demographic aspect of the story, presenting information on yearly rates of emigration, destination countries of emigrants, and emigrants’ personal backgrounds.
The WHO has announced the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak to be a global pandemic. The distribution of community outbreaks shows seasonal patterns along certain latitude, temperature and humidity, that is, similar to the behaviour of seasonal viral respiratory tract infections. COVID-19 displays significant spread in northern mid-latitude countries with an average temperature of 5–11°C and low humidity. Vitamin D deficiency has also been described as pandemic, especially in Europe. Regardless of age, ethnicity and latitude, recent data showed that 40 % of Europeans are vitamin D deficient (25-hydroxyvitamin D (25(OH)D) levels <50 nmol/l), and 13 % are severely deficient (25(OH)D < 30 nmol/l). A quadratic relationship was found between the prevalences of vitamin D deficiency in most commonly affected countries by COVID-19 and the latitudes. Vitamin D deficiency is more common in the subtropical and mid-latitude countries than the tropical and high-latitude countries. The most commonly affected countries with severe vitamin D deficiency are from the subtropical (Saudi Arabia 46 %; Qatar 46 %; Iran 33·4 %; Chile 26·4 %) and mid-latitude (France 27·3 %; Portugal 21·2 %; Austria 19·3 %) regions. Severe vitamin D deficiency was found to be nearly 0 % in some high-latitude countries (e.g. Norway, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Netherlands). Accordingly, we would like to call attention to the possible association between severe vitamin D deficiency and mortality pertaining to COVID-19. Given its rare side effects and relatively wide safety, prophylactic vitamin D supplementation and/or food fortification might reasonably serve as a very convenient adjuvant therapy for these two worldwide public health problems alike.
Dual or multiple earnership has been considered an important factor to prevent in-work poverty. The aim of this paper is to quantify the impact of second earnership on the risk of in-work poverty and the role of the tax-benefit system in moderating this risk. Our analysis refers to 2014 and employs EUROMOD, the tax-benefit microsimulation model for the European Union and the United Kingdom. In order to assess the role of second earners in preventing in-work poverty we simulate a counterfactual scenario where second earners become unemployed. Our results show that the effect of net replacement rates (i.e. the ratio of household income before and after the transition of second earners to unemployment) on the probability of in-work poverty is negative and statistically significant, but in relative terms it appears to be small compared to the effects of individual labour market characteristics, such as low pay and part-time employment.
Little has contributed more to the emergence of today's world of financial globalization than the setup of the international monetary system. In its current shape, it has a hierarchical structure with the US-Dollar (USD) at the top and various other monetary areas forming a multilayered periphery to it. A key feature of the system is the creation of USD offshore – a feature that in the 1950s and 60s developed in co-evolution with the Bretton Woods System and in the 1970s replaced it. Since the 2007–9 Financial Crisis, this ‘Offshore US-Dollar System’ has been backstopped by the Federal Reserve's network of swap lines which are extended to other key central banks. This systemic evolution may continue in the decades to come, but other systemic arrangements are possible as well and have historical precedents. This article discusses four trajectories that would lead to different setups of the international monetary system by 2040, taking into account how its hierarchical structure and the role of offshore credit money creation may evolve. In addition to a continuation of USD hegemony, we present the emergence of competing monetary blocs, the formation of an international monetary federation and the disintegration into an international monetary anarchy.