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Forty years ago, Colin Leys asked “how far the class that has the greatest interest in surmounting and resolving the problems confronting capitalist development … [has] identified these problems or shown itself able to tackle them?” An examination of the business response in four African countries (Kenya, Uganda, Botswana and South Africa) to two kinds of crises (HIV/AIS and political violence) provides surprising answers: African businesses can be key responders to crisis, on occasion responding well in advance of the state and in welfare-enhancing ways that assist the society more widely to resolve the underlying crisis. Large, home-grown, diversified business groups are prominent in the ranks of the constructive responders to crisis, acting in surprising and counterintuitive ways.
This chapter introduces the intrusive regionalism trend and explains why it’s puzzling: It’s happening in the global South (where we expect states to be particular “jealous” of their sovereignty) and it’s uneven (it varies across regions in the global South). It then lays out the methodological approach of the book, which is comparative-historical analysis, and presents the book’s explanatory framework, which seeks to account for the uneven rise of intrusive regionalism in the global South. The theory section covers the changing ideational and institutional context at the global level; the role of macronationalism in creating openings for norm contestation and erosion; and two more proximate factors: regime type and economic performance. Chapter 1 concludes by outlining the plan for the book.
This chapter introduces the reader to the repertoire of interference practices that regional communities use to promote democracy, security, and human rights. These include state monitoring (of elections and human rights practices) and crisis response in the form of mediation, sanctions, civilian missions, and military deployments. It also systematically measures variation across time (1960–2009) and space in the strength or status of the non-interference norm. It does so by tracing regional legal regimes relevant to non-interference and by comparing the interference practices of regional actors (using an original dataset). It argues that non-interference has long been weaker in Africa and Latin America than in Southeast Asia, and that this variation became more pronounced from the late-1980s onward, when regional interference converged on multilateral “liberal internationalist” practices. This chapter establishes the variation that the rest of the book seeks to explain.
Contrary to common assumptions that the liberal world order was ‘made in the West’, this article argues that it was produced in interaction with Pan-African ideology and actors. Developing a morphological analysis, it identifies three contending visions of world order within Pan-Africanism: a world of continental unity and transnational solidarity; a world of national sovereignty; and a world of racially defined units. It concludes that Pan-Africanism contains intellectual and political resources for the defence, reinvigoration, and invention of a more just, equal and rule-bound multilateral world, but that this cannot be taken for granted. Pan-Africanism is neither inherently progressive, nor reactionary, and can support multilateralism and sovereigntism in equal measure. Pan-Africanism's nativism also carries particular risks at a time when similar identitarian viewpoints are promoted by Radical Right movements. Understanding the manner in which Pan-Africanism informs and legitimises diverse political agendas is thus of crucial importance for IR, for Pan-Africanists, and for the future of world order.
This paper discusses the principal findings of a new integrated dataset of transnational armed conflict in Africa. Existing Africa conflict datasets have systematically under-represented the extent of cross-border state support to belligerent parties in internal armed conflicts as well as the number of incidents of covert cross-border armed intervention and incidents of using armed force to threaten a neighbouring state. Based on the method of ‘redescribing’ datapoints in existing datasets, notably the Uppsala Conflict Data Project, the Transnational Conflict in Africa (TCA) data include numerous missing incidents of transnational armed conflict and reclassify many more. The data indicate that (i) trans-nationality is a major feature of armed conflict in Africa, (ii) most so-called ‘civil wars’ are internationalised and (iii) the dominant definitions of ‘interstate conflict’ and ‘civil war’ are too narrow to capture the particularities of Africa's wars. While conventional interstate war remains rare, interstate rivalry using military means is common. The dataset opens up a research agenda for studying the drivers, patterns and instruments of African interstate rivalries. These findings have important implications for conflict prevention, management and resolution policies.
On Christmas Eve, 1979, five young Australians shaved in the sea on a beach in Mauritius, in the calm dawn after a cyclone had trashed the island. They were members of the 150-strong Australian contingent on its way to Southern Rhodesia as part of the Commonwealth Monitoring Force (CMF). In Rhodesia they were to monitor a ceasefire at the end of a long and often brutal civil war, in preparation for elections that would lead to genuine majority rule for the first time in the country’s history. Nobody knew what awaited them in Rhodesia. They arrived at Mauritius, their last stopover en route, to find much of the area devastated and hotels rendered uninhabitable. Resourcefully they found other accommodation, washed in creeks and shaved in the ocean before flying on. It was all an adventure, but it could have seemed like an ill-omened prelude to a mission full of uncertainty.
Survey of recent and ongoing food wars and drivers. List of hotspots for potential future conflicts in order of risk. Key role of water in conflict risk. Impact of nuclear conflict on global food security. Risk of > 1 billion migrants and refugees. Food, land and water as key global securioty issues.
Recent archaeological survey has revealed large numbers of stone structures, known as desert kites, in north-western Libya. The numbers of these structures and their evident adaptation over time demonstrate a longevity of use and a high degree of specialisation and cooperation among the people who built them.
In developing countries, estimates of the prevalence and diversity of Leptospira infections in livestock, an important but neglected zoonotic pathogen and cause of livestock productivity loss, are lacking. In Madagascar, abattoir sampling of cattle and pigs demonstrated a prevalence of infection of 20% in cattle and 5% in pigs by real-time PCR. In cattle, amplification and sequencing of the Leptospira-specific lfb1 gene revealed novel genotypes, mixed infections of two or more Leptospira species and evidence for potential transmission between small mammals and cattle. Sequencing of the secY gene demonstrated genetic similarities between Leptospira detected in Madagascar and, as yet, uncultured Leptospira strains identified in Tanzania, Reunion and Brazil. Detection of Leptospira DNA in the same animal was more likely in urine samples or pooled samples from four kidney lobes relative to samples collected from a single kidney lobe, suggesting an effect of sampling method on detection. In pigs, no molecular typing of positive samples was possible. Further research into the epidemiology of livestock leptospirosis in developing countries is needed to inform efforts to reduce human infections and to improve livestock productivity.
The Middle Jurassic – Early Cretaceous period witnessed the emergence of some major representatives of modern continental vertebrate groups (stem lissamphibians, squamates, therian mammals and birds) and angiosperms, at a time when fragmentation of Pangaea was underway. The successive Moroccan microvertebrate faunas of Ksar Metlili (?Berriasian) and Guelb el Ahmar (Bathonian) from the Anoual Syncline significantly improve our poor knowledge of Gondwanan and especially African palaeobiodiversity at this time. They are among the richest known from the Mesozoic of Gondwana, and are well placed in northwestern Africa to record faunal interchanges with Laurasia. Here we focus on the Ksar Metlili fauna, first documented in the 1980s and most recently resampled in 2010, which produced 24 541 microremains representing 47 species of 8 main groups (Chondrichthyes, Actinopterygii, Sarcopterygii, Lissamphibia, Lepidosauromorpha, Testudinata, Archosauromorpha and Synapsida). It includes remarkable taxa: the oldest stem boreosphenidan mammals from Gondwana, probably some of the last non-mammaliaform cynodonts, a basal ornithischian, possibly freshwater teleosaurid crocodylomorphs, and some of the rare occurrences of choristoderes and albanerpetontids in Gondwana. Comparison of the Ksar Metlili fauna with that of Guimarota (Kimmeridgian, Portugal) further provides evidence of numerous shared taxa of Laurasian affinities, in contrast to the occurrence of few taxa with Gondwanan affinities. This suggests complex palaeobiogeographical relationships – implying both vicariance and dispersal events – of North Africa within Gondwana at the Jurassic–Cretaceous transition. Finally, the faunal similarities with the Guelb el Ahmar fauna question the Cretaceous age of the Ksar Metlili fauna, suggesting an alternative possible Late Jurassic age.
The preface reflects on the history of the Ghana Atomic Energy Commission from the author’s first knowledge of its existence as a child, to her first visits to the area in 2004 and 2006. It describes the GHARR-1 after her first visit to the reactor building.
This chapter shows how Ghanaian scientists tapped resources from different countries in their quest for a nuclear reactor, from the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, to Canada, the United Arab Republic, India, and China. While many people living near Ghana’s Atomic Energy Commission believe the site has hosted a reactor since around 1966, it actually took several more decades to install the first low power research reactor, the GHARR-1, at Kwabenya. Nkrumah’s bid to obtain a reactor provoked the wrath of France, the United States, and the United Kingdom, all of whom backed the coup d’état against him. It then considers how subsequent governments tried to rekindle the Soviet nuclear reactor initiative and explored other possible reactors from Western powers, but finally settled on a Chinese offer. The chapter relies on a variety of sources including GAEC records, British spy reports, and correspondence between Nkrumah and Khrushchev of the Soviet Union. The chapter provides critical insights, including difficulties the Ghanaian government had in maintaining payments to the Soviets, problems with the storage of the unfinished reactor components while post-Nkrumah regimes mothballed the nuclear program, and several subsequent contracts for reactors that fell apart due to political instability.
The introduction begins with Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah (1957-1966) laying the foundation stone of the first reactor building at the new Ghana Atomic Energy Commission in Kwabenya. He promoted “scientific equity” and access to science for all citizens. The nuclear energy project, headed by the engineering professor R.P. Baffour, topped Nkrumah’s plans for scientific development. Nkrumah sent Baffour to the Soviet Union to negotiate with Prime Minister Khrushchev to see what resources Ghana might provide in exchange for technical assistance and a reactor. Nkrumah and his closest advisors asserted a new African vision for nuclear power, predicated on the idea that all countries had citizens with equal intellectual capabilities. Nkrumah expressed, “no country has monopoly of ability.” Ghana was among several independent African nations interested in nuclear energy and the peaceful uses of the atom including Tanzania, Libya, and Nigeria. Julius Nyere and Kenya’s Ali Mazuri stressed that Africans would be more capable of managing nuclear energy than Europeans. The introduction interrogates this assertion through a discussion of scientific equity, manpower and human capacity, and urban dynamics at Atomic Junction. It locates Ghana’s story within scholarship on the rise of nuclear power elsewhere, especially in India and South Africa.
This chapter considers how Ghanaian citizens experience nuclear power in the Kwabenya environs. It establishes the setting of Atomic Junction, through archival evidence of territorial disputes in a borderland area home to Guan, Akan, and Ga families. From the 1960s, Ghanaian scientists, inspired by Nkrumah’s grand plan settled in the area to manage the Ghana Atomic Energy Commission. While they did not obtain the GHARR-1 until 1994, they led local families to believe that a reactor was installed around 1966. Given this widespread misunderstanding, the chapter asks how have people living near the reactor interpreted life on a nuclear frontier, or what Joe Masco has termed the “nuclear borderlands”? The chapter interprets how Ghanaians in Haatso, Kwabenya and other villages near the nuclear exclusion zone relate their experience with Atomic Lands (i.e. GAEC property) to the advent of nuclear spaces around the world where the potential for radioactivity excludes populations. It stresses the greater risk posed by petrol stations on the Haatso-Atomic Road, culminating in the 2017 explosion of a petrol tanker and a mushroom cloud at Atomic Junction.
Based on a wide range of historical sources, including published scientific literature and archives (Institut Mérieux, WHO and IMTSSA), this article examines the history of the development of the meningococcal A vaccine between 1969 and 1973. It explores the social factors of vaccine development including various collaborations, informal discussions, the circulation of products and materials, formal meetings, trials and setbacks to highlight the complex reality of the development, production and use of the vaccine. Inscribed in a ‘Golden Age’ of vaccine development and production, this episode not only adds to the scholarship on the history of vaccines, which has tended to focus on a narrative of progress, but also considers the sharing of knowledge through collaborations, and the risks involved in the development of a vaccine. Finally, this perspective reveals the uncertainties and difficulties underlying the production of an effective vaccine.
The collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union was felt across the world. The very idea of the victory over Communism, and of the natural congruence between liberal democracy and the market that Eastern Europe’s transformation embodied, became central to the post–Cold War constitution of the West. Such ideas became embedded in the everyday practice of politics: in the enforcing of new forms of conditionality that stressed democracy, rights, and a smaller state on Africa and in the continued belief in the export of this model – sometimes by force – to the Middle East, Africa, and post-Soviet space. Some Eastern European elites adopted such interpretations and practice as part of the projection of their region’s geopolitical identity. Yet 1989 would be interpreted elsewhere very differently, particularly in those authoritarian socialist states where transformation did not happen: in China, 1989 became a decades-long warning about the excesses of reform and the Western understanding of global transformation rejected. From Cuba to North Korea to Africa, the Eastern European revolutions were rather seen as the revival of a traditional Western imperialism and the reconstitution of a white Global North.
The ongoing demographic, nutritional and epidemiological transitions in sub-Saharan Africa highlight the importance of monitoring overweight and obesity. We aimed to assess the prevalence of overweight and obesity in Mozambique in 2014/2015 and compare the estimates with those obtained in 2005.
Cross-sectional study conducted in 2014/2015, following the WHO Stepwise Approach to Chronic Disease Risk Factor Surveillance (STEPS). Prevalence estimates with 95 % CI were computed for different categories of BMI and abdominal obesity, along with age-, education- and income-adjusted OR. The age-standardized prevalence in the age group 25–64 years was compared with results from a STEPS survey conducted in 2005.
Representative sample of the population aged 18–64 years (n 2595).
Between 2005 and 2014/2015, the prevalence of overweight and obesity increased from 18·3 to 30·5 % (P < 0·001) in women and from 11·7 to 18·2 % (P < 0·001) in men. Abdominal obesity increased among women (from 9·4 to 20·4 %, P < 0·001), but there was no significant difference among men (1·5 v. 2·1 %, P = 0·395). In 2014/2015, the prevalence of overweight and obesity was more than twofold higher in urban areas and in women; in the age group 18–24 years, it was highest in urban women and lowest in rural men.
In Mozambique, there was a steep increase in the prevalence of overweight and obesity among adults between 2005 and 2014/2015. Overweight and obesity are more prevalent in urban areas and among women, already affecting one in five urban women aged 18–24 years.
Political leaders across Africa frequently accuse the media of promoting homosexuality, while activists often use the media to promote pro-LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) narratives. Despite extensive research on how the media affects public opinion, including studies that show how exposure to certain information can increase support of LGBTQs, there is virtually no research on how the media influences attitudes towards LGBTQs across Africa. This study develops a theory that accounts for actors' mixed approach to the media and shows how different types of media create distinct effects on public opinion of LGBTQs. Specifically, the study finds that radio and television have no, or a negative, significant effect on pro-gay attitudes, whereas individuals who consume more newspapers, internet or social media are significantly more likely to support LGBTQs (by approximately 2 to 4 per cent). The author argues that these differential effects are conditional on censorship of queer representation from certain mediums. The analysis confirms that the results are not driven by selection effects, and that the relationship is unique to LGBTQ support but not other social attitudes. The results have important implications, especially given the growing politicization of same-sex relations and changing media consumption habits across Africa.
We summarise our findings by pointing out that, unlike earlier works, we believe both that it is possible for African peoples and governments to move beyond the mere management of ethnic, and other, difference, and that there is good evidence that they can themselves pursue this admittedly difficult task rather than, as others have suggested, under international supervision. Indeed, the comparative history of other parts of the world suggests that Africans must indeed rely on their own initiatives rather than on the experience of others.