To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The year 1976 was a violent one in Nicaragua. In an effort to quash the Sandinista guerrillas, the dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle had declared a state of siege, suspending constitutional guarantees, muzzling the press, and unleashing the Guardia Nacional. Despite the dangers of dissent, thousands of students across the country walked off their secondary school campuses that year to protest poor funding, inept teachers, and oppressive administrators. This article examines this series of strikes to uncover the ways in which teenagers managed to organize their schools and communities in spite of the repression that marked the final years of the Somoza regime. Analyzing student documents, Ministry of Education records, and newspaper reports, this article argues that in the context of a decades-long dictatorship, student demands for more democratic schools opened a relatively safe pathway for cross-generational activism that forced concessions from the Somoza regime. By the 1970s, secondary schools had come to reflect the state's authoritarianism and mismanagement, and widespread educational deficiencies brought students and parents together in a joint project to demand better schools. Battles over the quality of education, thus, showcased the power of an organized citizenry and laid the groundwork for the revolutionary mobilizations that were to come.
The material evidence of human presence in the Chontales region of central Nicaragua spans from 1420 ± 30 BP, or cal AD 554–670 (±2σ) through to the present, as was recently established (Donner and Geurds 2018). This cultural chronology, divided into three main periods, contrasts with the one previously proposed by (Gorin 1990), who defined six different phases from 500 BC through AD 1600. Here, we report on 11 new radiocarbon (14C) assays, introducing an update to the cultural sequence, consisting of two considerable changes, while also providing further overall strengthening. First, the earliest traces of human groups are now placed at 1645 ± 25 BP, or cal AD 263–536 (±2σ); second, five different periods are established for the research area. A recalibration of Gorin’s dates identified their consistency with the results reported here, supporting the new cultural chronology of central Nicaragua. Additionally, this study achieved the complete temporal characterization of Aguas Buenas, the largest pre-colonial archaeological site in Nicaragua.
Does citizen approval of vote buying depend on the type of benefit being offered? I answer this question using data from a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Nicaraguans in 2017. Nicaraguans report significantly lower approval of money-for votes exchanges compared to goods-for-votes exchanges. Furthermore, reported rates of vote buying are lower in the money condition (4.8%) than in the goods-for-votes condition (7.8%), even though the posttreatment question assessing vote buying experience was identical across conditions. This study echoes other work suggesting the need for care in designing questions about vote buying, as slight changes in question wording that prime participants to think about goods versus monetary exchanges can affect both citizen approval of the behavior and the reported prevalence of vote buying.
The establishment of the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua following the overthrow of the US-friendly Somoza regime in 1979 caused considerable alarm in the United States. Chapter 6 analyzes the role of human rights concerns in the battle between the Reagan administration and members of Congress over US policy toward Nicaragua in the 1980s. Fearful of Nicaragua turning into a communist stronghold in Central America, the administration conducted covert operations against the Sandinistas and supported the anti-Sandinista guerillas know as the Contras. Once these activities were revealed, the administration found itself engulfed in a public diplomacy war for congressional and public support. The chapter examines congressional attempts, predominantly by liberal Democrats, to restrict US aid for the Contras through the imposition of the so-called Boland Amendments. Ultimately, restrictions led the administration to undertake illegal actions that resulted in the Iran-Contra Affair. The chapter demonstrates how both the administration and its congressional critics invoked human rights to claim moral authority for their positions on Nicaragua. It argues that the debate over Nicaragua both raised the salience of human rights concerns in the United States and highlighted their ambiguity as it underscored the selectiveness of the administration’s commitment to human rights.
This book traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.
The aim of this article is to analyze three key issues in current Nicaraguan politics and in the political debate surrounding hybrid regimes: de-democratization, political protest, and the fall of presidencies. First, it analyzes the process of de-democratization that has been taking place in Nicaragua since 2000. It shows that the 2008 elections were not competitive but characteristic of an electoral authoritarian regime. Second, it reflects on the kind of regime created in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega’s mandate, focusing on the system’s inability to process any kind of protest and dissent. Third, it examines the extent to which the protests that broke out in April 2018 may predict the early end to Ortega’s presidency, or whether Nicaragua’s political crisis may lead to negotiations between the government and the opposition.
Domestic violence is the predominant form of violence against women in most countries in Africa and Latin America. Scholars have theorized the adoption of domestic violence laws and policies in both regions. However, policy implementation is understudied and under theorized. Therefore, we compare how international organizations and women's nongovernmental organizations have influenced the implementation of domestic violence policies by police officers in Liberia and Nicaragua. We introduce the concept of the transnational implementation process and describe how international organizations and women's organizations have employed training, institutional and policy restructuring, and monitoring to influence police behavior at the street level. The effects of these strategies have been conditional on the political environment. We identify two patterns of international and domestic influence on street-level implementation: internationally led and domestically supported implementation in Liberia, with domestically led and internationally supported implementation in Nicaragua.
The identity as a person with disabilities is a prerequisite for claiming disability rights. In Nicaragua, however, the disability identity is particularly nuanced for persons wounded in the Sandinista Revolution or the subsequent civil war. The members of the Organization of Disabled Revolutionaries (ORD) are all ex-Sandinista soldiers who are proud of their service. For them, their disability symbolizes their sacrifice as protectors of the community in the name of solidaridad. They adamantly identify as “war wounded” rather than as “persons with disabilities.” As a result, they increasingly see the disability-rights movement as a threat to their war-hero status. The members of the Nicaraguan Association of the Disabled Resistance (ADRN), however, see disability rights and the disability identity as an important opportunity. As wounded ex-combatants who fought, and lost, on the opposing side of the civil war, they are stigmatized within Segovia for having fought as Contras. Their disabilities acquired from war remind community members of their past as “traitors,” and thus not deserving of rights. But, by using disability rights as a new identity frame, the ADRN is able to gain access to opportunities that in the past had been denied.
The organizational model for Disabled Persons' Organizations as rights advocates, which is embedded in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, reflects a larger global trend within the international community promoting rights advocacy as the only legitimate form of civic participation, regardless of the people represented, the issue being addressed, or local history or tradition. This singular script for civil society has its origins in Cold War politics in the West, where the promotion of a free civil society throughout the Global South was used as a tool for defeating authoritarian regimes in the non-West. This history can best be understood using new institutional theory from organizational sociology, which shows how fields are governed by specific norms. What new institutional theory often ignores, however, is that organizations often belong to two or more fields at once. Disabled Persons' Organizations in Nicaragua are part of the international disability-rights movement, but they are also part of local norms civil society. Nicaraguan solidaridad has structured local civil society since the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979), when the population mobilized through “mass” organizations to promote the “common good.” This legacy leaves local disability associations caught between two institutional fields.
International conventions and domestic laws have been enacted to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women worldwide. However, these progressive policy initiatives have faced opposition in contentious contexts where policy rivals have contested their creation and implementation. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on progressive networks that have led to policy advances, such as violence against women (VAW) policies, while emerging literature has noted their limited impact and implementation. However, there is scant attention paid to one major underlying cause of limited impact and problematic implementation: that there is sustained opposition to these policies by policy rivals that resist and undermine progressive policies. We identify opponents and entrenched opposition to VAW laws in Mexico and Nicaragua in the 1990s and 2010s. We also identify how these opponents leverage ties with the state and utilise ‘family discourse’, framing progressives as anti-family, as strategies and mechanisms for stunting and even reversing VAW laws.
Do attitudes toward immigrants shape public policy preferences? To answer this question, this article analyzes a prominent example of South-South migration: the Nicaraguan immigrant community in Costa Rica. Over the past two decades, Costa Rica has experienced extensive socioeconomic changes, and Nicaraguans have been frequent scapegoats for the fears and worries generated by these changes. Relying on the 2014 AmericasBarometer survey, this analysis finds that respondents who perceive immigrants as an economic threat are significantly more supportive of punitive crime control policies. Attitudes toward immigrants were also significantly linked to support for government policies to reduce income inequality. However, given the historically strong support for the Costa Rican social welfare state, attitudes toward immigrants did not significantly affect support for government services.
The Caribbean coast of Nicaragua has witnessed relatively little archaeological research. In the last decade, however, there has been a substantial effort to record regional archaeological sites. First excavated in the early 1970s, the Angi shell-matrix site has been subject to new investigations, which have identified the first burial to be recorded on the Nicaraguan Caribbean coast. Although collagen preservation was insufficient for direct radiocarbon dating, samples obtained from surrounding deposits date the burial to c. 3900 BC. This represents both the earliest archaeological feature recorded to date on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua and the oldest-known human remains from the region.
This paper explores the meanings that youth crime and policing acquire in the context of their mediated representation on the televised news in Nicaragua. In particular, it explores this question by juxtaposing the televised imagery of the apprehended juvenile delinquent with the discursive treatment of his person by both police and reporters on Nicaragua's most watched news shows, Acción 10 and Crónica TN8. The police are presented as heroic protagonists who serve and protect the barrio through ‘communitarian policing’ whilst the juvenile delinquent – the ‘pinta’ – is excluded and stigmatised. This turns such youths into socially expendable and ‘tainted, discounted’ outsiders who can be treated as such. In this way, through the news, pintas are targeted for ‘removal’ from the barrio, and their mediated arrests become ‘spectacular performances’ of community. A discrepancy appears, then, between the police's communitarian discourse and its reactionary practice.
Many Latin American countries have passed laws intended to address femicide and other forms of violence against women. Yet the implementation of these laws has been inconsistent at best. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua, which passed a comprehensive law on gender-based violence (Law 779) in 2012. While celebrated by local women’s organizations, Law 779 was subsequently weakened through a series of legislative reforms and executive decrees. This article seeks to explain why state actors in Nicaragua initially supported Law 779 and later sought to undermine it. It argues that in contexts characterized by a high concentration of political power like Nicaragua, transnational governance structures are insufficient to ensure the success of gender violence legislation. Through an analysis of Law 779, this article contributes to broader debates about the nature of state legitimacy and the potential of legal advocacy to address violence against women.
The chronology of human presence in Chontales, central Nicaragua, was established by Franck Gorin (1989), who applied a combination of absolute dates and ceramic associations to build a sequence comprised of six different phases. However, interpretative and chronological issues have arisen due to two main problems. First, the sequence was based on stylistic associations to polychrome ceramics from Pacific Nicaragua. Second, the sample analyzed by Gorin shows contextual bias and lacks sufficient absolute dates. As a result, a comprehensive regional research plan was established to test the current accepted chronology, and redefine it where necessary. In this paper, we present the first date list for the Valley of Juigalpa, Mayales River subbasin (Chontales, Nicaragua). Contrary to Gorin’s proposal, which established a chronology from 500 BC through AD 1600, reports on new seventeen radiocarbon (14C) assays show a cultural sequence from 1420 ± 30 BP, or cal AD 595–660 (±2σ) through the present.
Norovirus is detected in one in five diarrhoea episodes in children, yet little is known about environmental risk factors associated with this disease, especially in low-income settings. The objective of this study was to examine environmental risk factors, and spatial and seasonal patterns of norovirus diarrhoea episodes in children in León, Nicaragua. We followed a population-based cohort of children under age 5 years for norovirus diarrhoea over a 1-year period. At baseline, characteristics of each household were recorded. Households were geocoded and spatial locations of garbage dumps, rivers, and markets were collected. In bivariate analysis we observed younger children and those with animals in their households were more likely to have experienced norovirus episodes. In adjusted models, younger children remained at higher risk for norovirus episodes, but only modest associations were observed with family and environmental characteristics. We next identified symptomatic children living in the same household and within 500 m buffer zones around the household of another child infected with the same genotype. Norovirus diarrhoea episodes peaked early in the rainy season. These findings contribute to our understanding of environmental factors and norovirus infection.
The species of Podocarpus L’Hér. ex Pers. (Podocarpaceae) occurring in the Central America and Northern Mexico Bioregions are revised. Four species (Podocarpus costaricensis de Laub., P. guatemalensis Standl., P. matudae Lundell, P. oleifolius D.Don) occur in these bioregions as well as three infraspecific taxa, that are here all treated as subspecies [Podocarpus matudae subsp. matudae, P. matudae subsp. jaliscanus (de Laub. & Silba) Silba, P. oleifolius subsp. costaricensis (J.Buchholz & N.E.Gray) Silba]. A fifth species, Podocarpus magnifolius J.Buchholz & N.E.Gray, may also be present in Panama but this requires verification; a brief account is provided. Podocarpus monteverdeensis de Laub. is considered a synonym of P. oleifolius subsp. costaricensis, the concept of which is amplified to include all Central American material of P. oleifolius. Several previously recognised infraspecific taxa within both Podocarpus guatemalensis and P. matudae are reduced to synonymy. Within Podocarpus matudae, P. matudae subsp. matudae is regarded as including subsp. macrocarpus and subsp. reichei but P. matudae subsp. jaliscanus is regarded as a distinct, second subspecies disjunct in westernmost Mexico. Podocarpus costaricensis, P. matudae (both subspecies) and P. oleifolius subsp. costaricensis are endemic to these bioregions. A key is provided, all definitely recorded species are illustrated and the distributions of all definitely recorded taxa are mapped. The distributions are discussed in relation to the geology and geological history of the region as well as altitude and climate. New IUCN conservation assessments are proposed for Podocarpus matudae subsp. jaliscanus, P. matudae subsp. matudae and P. oleifolius subsp. costaricensis while details of the current assessments for the remaining taxa (including Podocarpus matudae as a whole) are given. Two appendices list all accepted names and synonyms, and give a list of exsiccatae.
To evaluate the associations of women’s autonomy and social support with infant and young child feeding practices (including consumption of highly processed snacks and sugar-sweetened beverages) and nutritional status in rural Nicaragua.
Cross-sectional study. Feeding practices and children’s nutritional status were evaluated according to the WHO guidelines complemented with information on highly processed snacks and sugar-sweetened beverages. Women’s autonomy was assessed by a seventeen-item questionnaire covering dimensions of financial independence, household-, child-, reproductive and health-related decision making and freedom of movement. Women’s social support was determined using the Duke-UNC Functional Social Support Questionnaire. The scores attained were categorized into tertiles.
Los Cuatro Santos area, rural Nicaragua.
A total of 1371 children 0–35 months of age.
Children of women with the lowest autonomy were more likely to be exclusively breast-fed and continue to be breast-fed, while children of women with middle level of autonomy had better complementary feeding practices. Children of women with the lowest social support were more likely to consume highly processed snacks and/or sugar-sweetened beverages but also be taller.
While lower levels of autonomy and social support were independently associated with some favourable feeding and nutrition outcomes, this may not indicate a causal relationship but rather that these factors reflect other matters of importance for child care.
Interdisciplinary studies have proved the interconnectedness of history and ecology relevant to forest conservation proposals and management policies. Engaging local views and concerns in the evaluation and monitoring process can lead to more robust knowledge in the pursuit of effective conservation. This study aimed to assess the degree to which land use change trajectories influence the state of tropical dry forest conservation, as evaluated by scientists and local people. Focusing on northern Nicaragua, the research identified three historical trajectories for types and magnitude of forest disturbance. The assessment process included inventorying sites under different trajectories and integrating ecological and social indicators (namely local perceptions of biodiversity value and concern over species threat). The different land use change trajectories had no influence on the present structure of the dry forest, but strongly affected species diversity, composition and their social importance. The study provided evidence of positive species selection by farmers, which suggested a feedback loop between ecological conditions, social value and awareness of conservation.
Multi-millennial hurricane landfall records from the western North Atlantic indicate that landfall frequency has varied dramatically over time, punctuated by multi-centennial to millennial scale periods of hyperactivity. We extend the record geographically by presenting a paleostrike record inferred from a four-core transect from a marsh on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua. Fossil pollen indicates that the site was a highly organic wetland from ~ 5400–4900 cal yr BP, at which time it became a shallow marine lagoon until ~ 2800 cal yr BP when it transitioned back into swamp/marsh, freshening over time, with the present fresh-to-brackish Typha marsh developing over the very recent past. Hurricane Joan, 1988, is recorded as a distinctive light-colored sand–silt–clay layer across the top of the transect, identifiable by abrupt shifts in color from the dark marsh deposits, increased grain size, and two upward-fining sequences, which are interpreted as representing the storm's traction and suspension loads. The six layers identified as hurricane-generated display temporal clustering, featuring a marked increase in landfall frequency ~ 800 cal yr BP. This pattern is anti-phase with the activity pattern previously identified from the northern Caribbean and the Atlantic coast of North America, thereby opposing the view that hyperactivity occurs simultaneously across the entire basin.