The story of Merovingian decline is inexorably linked to that of Carolingian ascent, a coupling that is ubiquitous in the historiographical record. The success of Carolingian propaganda is thus evident in the adoption of its perspective in later works of historiography. While it is now widely held that the death of Dagobert I did not herald the depletion of Merovingian vigor, this view was adopted by numerous post-Carolingian compositions. It is present in the two sources discussed in this chapter, the twelfth-century Chronica of Sigebert of Gembloux and the sixteenth-century Sefer Divrei Hayamim leMalkei Tzarfat uVeit Otoman Hatogar [The Book of the Histories of the Kings of France and the Turkish House of Ottoman] by Yosef Ha-Kohen. Both were composed at considerable remove from the Carolingian period, yet they bear the traces of its historiography’s far-reaching influence. This is especially noticeable in their periodization of the Merovingian era. The chapter will argue that both authors saw the decline of the Merovingian line as a process precipitated by the disastrous reign of Clovis II (d. 657), and that this appraisal influenced their coverage of his successors.

The conclusions discuss the historiographical preference shown to the Trojan and biblical origin stories, and the motif of Merovingian decline following the death of Dagobert as a consequence of the Dionysian influence on the historiographical tradition. It discusses the different solutions proposed forthe transfer of royal power in AD 751, and the need to contend with the charged legacy of this event. Different responses to Carolingian ascent began to emerge in the tenth century, as Carolingian power diminished and then was supplanted by the Capetians. The chapter concludes with a discussion of genre and its effects on our understanding of the sources and the intent of the authors.

In 1274, a monk by the name of Primat from the Parisian monastery of Saint-Denis completed his magnum opus, a chronicle in Old French titled the Roman des rois. As its name suggests, this composition dealt with Frankish and French history from the perspective of its kings. It worked its way from the Franks’ earliest origins in ancient Troy, through three royal dynasties, concluding with the reign of the great Capetian monarch, Philip Augustus (d. 1223).

The second chapter will focus on the depiction of Clovis I, the first Christian king of the Franks. The inflation of the Clovis myth in the medieval chronicle tradition has been treated exhaustively, primarily in French historiography. This is why this chapter proceeds along an alternate route. Instead of interrogating the evolution of Clovis from Fredegar and the LHF to high- and late-medieval works of history, it will compare the story found in Gregory of Tours with that found in the sixteenth-century De rebus gestis Francorum [DRG] by Paolo Emilio. The reason for this choice is that, to a large degree, Emilio bypassed the intermediate sources, relying primarily on Gregory for this section of his opus. The DRG is thus only once removed from the Histories, although the differences in the two authors’ attitude toward character-building and in their stylistic approach are glaring, for reasons that will be elaborated upon in the chapter.

Of all the Merovingian kings who came after Clovis, none has received more accolades than Dagobert I, considered to have been the last effective Merovingian, succeeded by increasingly less capable kings until the dynasty’s demise. Dagobert as a literary convention nevertheless had to be constructed, a process that began in the Chronicle of Fredegar. Fredegar’s portrayal is favorable up to a point, beyond which the chronicler singled out the king for reproof. The idealization of Dagobert reached new heights with the ninth-century Gesta Dagoberti I regis Francorum, which accentuated the king’s monastic patronage, particularly regarding Saint-Denis, where the composition was penned. In the early tenth century, Regino of Prüm used the Gesta Dagoberti to narrate the life ofDagobert in his Chronicle. The character Regino extracted from the Gesta Dagoberti was remolded to serve different aims. This chapter follows the story as it was related in Fredegar and the transformations it underwent in the Gesta Dagoberti. It then turns to the adaptation of the hagiographically inflected Dagobert narrative back into historiography in the tenth-century Chronicle of Regino of Prüm.

The first chapter is dedicated to the origin stories that depicted the birth of the Franks and their leading family. Gregory of Tours was reluctant to discuss the topic, privileging other axes of identity. While he chose to downplay the importance of Frankish identity, his treatment of the arrival and establishment of the Franks betrays an understanding of distinct phases of Frankish history. The Trojan origin myth made its first appearance in the Chronicle of Fredegar. The second section is dedicated to the Trojan myth in Fredegar and the LHF and the possible reasons for its inclusion and for the rejection of competing origin myths. The third section discusses the Trojan comment in Paul the Deacon’s Gesta episcoporum Mettensium, which offered an idealized ancestry for Charlemagne and a curious reworking of Merovingian history. In the final section, the discussion will turn to the Trojan story found in the thirteenth-century Roman des rois. The process whereby the story was made to conform to contemporary royal and Dionysian ideologies will be presented, alongside a discussion of Primat’s usage of Childeric to explore Capetians' relations with their aristocracy.

The third chapter is divided into two sections – Frechulf of Lisieux’s Histories and Ado of Vienne’s Chronicon. Both men composed ambitious works, in which Frankish history played an ancillary role. In Frechulf, the Franks make a fleeting appearance in the final chapters of his Histories, which cut off unexpectedly in the seventh century. The motivations for this choice seemingly have more to do with Frechulf’s overarching structure of Christian history than with any judgement of the Merovingians. Frechulf was reticent on the subject of the Franks, to which he devoted less space than to other early medieval gentes. This is surprising, considering that Frechulf chose to end his Histories with the displacement of Romans and Goths by Franks and Lombards, signifying that they were important elements of his authorial program. The second section of the chapter focuses on Ado of Vienne’s Chronicon, arguing that Ado highlighted the discordant aspects of Merovingian history in the period 511–638. By doing so, Ado a presented a pessimistic appraisal of the entirety of the dynasty’s tenure, not only its so-called rois fainéants.