In order to clarify and visualize the real state of the structural performances of ships in operation and establish a more optimal, data-driven framework for ship design, construction and operation, an industry-academia joint R&D project on the digital twin for ship structures (DTSS) was conducted in Japan. This paper presents the major achievements of the project. The DTSS aims to grasp the stress responses over the whole ship structure in waves by data assimilation that merges hull monitoring and numerical simulation. Three data assimilation methods, namely, the wave spectrum method, Kalman filter method, and inverse finite element method were used, and their effectiveness was examined through model and full-scale ship measurements. Methods for predicting short-term extreme responses and long-term cumulative fatigue damage were developed for navigation and maintenance support using statistical approaches. In comparison with conventional approaches, response predictions were significantly improved by DTSS using real response data in encountered waves. Utilization scenarios for DTSS in the maritime industry were presented from the viewpoints of navigation support, maintenance support, rule improvement, and product value improvement, together with future research needs for implementation in the maritime industry.

Analyzing the appearances of political figures in large-scale news archives is increasingly important with the growing availability of large-scale news archives and developments in computer vision. We present a deep learning-based method combining face detection, tracking, and classification, which is particularly unique because it does not require any re-training when targeting new individuals. Users can feed only a few images of target individuals to reliably detect, track, and classify them. Extensive validation of prominent political figures in two news archives spanning 10 to 20 years, one containing three U.S. cable news and the other including two major Japanese news programs, consistently shows high performance and flexibility of the proposed method. The codes are made readily available to the public.

Does political repression extinguish public support for opposition demands? Protest emerges as a consequence of grievances and political preferences expressed as demands. Although the literature on the repression–dissent nexus has primarily focused on whether repression effectively deters dissenting behavior, a limitation is that researchers do not often distinguish between behavior and preferences. One possible implication is that although the observable protest behavior can be reduced by repression, underlying opposition demands may remain intact or even be strengthened. Hence, the question of why repression should alter public preferences remains theoretically under-investigated, because there is limited micro-level evidence that captures changes in opposition preferences induced by a repressive episode. We fielded comparable conjoint experiments before and after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law in June 2020. Support for the demands was largely stable despite the sweeping powers of the law to curb protests, although some moderation of demands was observed. We outline avenues for future research on mechanisms and implications entailed by the effects of repression on preferences.

Motivated by a previous finding that single-party cues have no effect in Japan and by the increasing ‘presidentialization’ of Japanese politics, the present study examined whether the use of prime minister cues in place of single-party cues helps Japanese voters form policy preferences. In addition, to probe the effect of party cues that are unique to multiparty systems, the effect of multiple-party cues, which indicate that a policy is supported by multiple rather than single ideologically distinct parties, was investigated. The results of a survey experiment showed that while prime minister cues are not utilized by the supporters of incumbent parties, the supporters of opposition parties demonstrated significantly reduced approval of a policy when there was an indication that the prime minister supported it. The effect of prime minister cues on opposition supporters was stronger than that of Liberal Democratic Party cues, suggesting that leader cues are effective in Japan. Furthermore, a cue indicating that ideologically distinct parties support a policy enhances approval for that policy among the public, which suggests that multiple-party rather than single-party cues are informative in multiparty systems. Theoretical implications are discussed.

This study examines the impact of China's growing territorial ambitions on Japanese public opinion. By experimentally manipulating perceived territorial threats from China, we tested two potential mechanisms of increased support for a conservative incumbent leader in Japan. The first is the “rally ’round the flag” model, in which threats universally boost support for the leader through emotion. The second is the “reactive liberal” model, in which support from conservatives remains constant, but threatened liberals move toward supporting the conservative leader. Two survey experiments provided no support for the emotion-based “rally ’round the flag” model, but they lent support for the reactive liberal model in explaining the impact on Japanese public opinion. However, the second experiment indicated that priming with an image of the prime minister that highlights his role as the supreme commander of the national defense forces completely eliminated the gain in approval rates among liberals.

For voters with bounded rationality to emulate the formation of policy preferences under full information, party cues provide effective heuristics. Although the effect of party cuing has been robustly established in US-centered studies, the literature indicates that the characteristics of modern US politics, such as political polarization, magnify the effect of party cues. Therefore, the effect of party cues has been subject to only lenient empirical scrutiny, as empirical evidence exists primarily for the US. The present study aims to test the generalizability of the effect of party cues by focusing on Japan, where the ideological positions of parties have become increasingly vague. Furthermore, in light of the fact that the media system in Japan is more stable and ideologically polarized than its party system, we also test whether press cues (i.e. newspaper names) serve as substitutes for party cues. A survey experiment demonstrates that the effects of party and press cues in Japan are muted, and therefore these two types of cues do not serve as effective shortcuts in forming policy preferences. These results indicate that issue voting based on cognitive heuristics is difficult under an unstable multiparty system. Therefore, the extant literature on party cues that presupposes the US-style party system cannot be easily generalized to other political contexts.

Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.

Iyengar et al. (1984, The Evening News and Presidential Evaluations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 46(4): 778–87) discovered the media priming effect, positing that by drawing attention to certain issues while ignoring others, television news programs help define the standards by which presidents are evaluated. We conducted a direct replication of Experiment 1 by Iyengar et al. (1984, The Evening News and Presidential Evaluations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 46(4): 778–87) with some changes. Specifically, we (a) collected data from Japanese undergraduates; (b) reduced the number of conditions to two; (c) used news coverage of the issue of relocating US bases in Okinawa as the treatment; (d) measured issue-specific evaluations of the Japanese Prime Minister in the pre-treatment questionnaire; and (e) performed statistical analyses that are more appropriate for testing heterogeneity in the treatment effect. We did not find statistically significant evidence of media priming. Overall, the results suggest that the effects of media priming may be quite sensitive either to the media environment or to differences in populations in which the effect has been examined.

We developed ultra-violet field-emission devices using rare-earth nitrides of Al1-xGdxN grown by a reactive radio-frequency magnetron sputtering technique. The Al1-xGdxN phosphor film excited by high-energy electrons shows a resolution limited, narrow intra-orbital luminescence from Gd3+ ions at 318 nm. The devise characteristics depend on injected current and acceleration voltage, which were analyzed by considering multiple excitation process of injected high-energy electrons.

In order to obtain electrically stabilized MIS interface, a diamond metal-insulator- semiconductor field-effect transistor (MISFET) was prepared by means of reduced-oxygen process including ultrahigh-vacuum (UHV) process, and its electrical properties were closely investigated. According to the results, observed effective mobility (μeff) was 400 cm2/Vs at room temperature, which is the highest value obtained until now in the diamond FET at room temperature. The transconductance (gm) and surface state density (Nss) of the device operation region was 5mS/mm and ∼ 1010/cm2 eV, respectively, which is also comparable with conventional Si MOSFETs with the same gate length (Lg = 30μm).