To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The prolific seed production and polyploidy of annual bluegrass allow for the rapid development of herbicide resistance. Ethofumesate-resistant annual bluegrass plants were identified in the 1990s in grass seed production in Oregon but their prevalence and distribution are not well documented. Therefore, a dose-response experiment was initiated to determine the potential level of ethofumesate resistance in seed production systems. Seeds from 55 annual bluegrass populations were obtained from three sources: seed production fields (31 populations), seed cleaning process (6 populations), and seed testing lots prior to retail distribution (18 populations). Additionally, two populations, one with known ethofumesate resistance and one with known susceptibility, were identified in preliminary testing and used as controls in this experiment. Seed from each collected population was increased. Individual seedlings were then transplanted into separate cone-tainers, grown to a size of 2 to 3 tillers in the greenhouse, and then sprayed using a compressed air track spray chamber with ten doses of ethofumesate: 0, 0.56, 1.1, 2.8, 5.6, 8.4, 11.2, 16.8, 22.4, and 44.8 kg ai ha−1; with 0.84 to 2.2 kg ha−1 as the label application rates for perennial ryegrass. The resistant to susceptible ratio of populations across all sources ranged from 0.5 to 5.5. The most resistant populations found in production fields, seed cleaning, and seed testing lots had ED50 values of 12.1, 9.4, and 13.1 kg ha−1, respectively. Further, 68% of the populations found in production fields had the effective dose necessary to kill 50% of the population (ED50) higher than 6 kg ha−1, indicating common annual bluegrass resistance in grass seed production. As such, herbicides alone will likely be ineffective at controlling annual bluegrass, and integrated weed management strategies should be implemented by growers.
The objective of Ancient Oaxaca is to understand and account for the sudden appearance of a new city on a mountain, Monte Albán, about 500 BC, and the consequences of that event, which in the following few centuries would transform almost every aspect of cultural life. These developments in the Valley of Oaxaca region were part of and contributed to the creation of the sociocultural formations that characterized the world system or civilization of Mesoamerica.
The Neolithic Revolution saw the invention of diverse political, economic, religious, and other social institutions in highland Oaxaca and across Early Formative Mesoamerica, including: varying forms and degrees of social differentiation in prestige, personhood, and social ranking; aggregation sites and large villages; dual organization, cosmology, and ritual practice; writing systems; and institutions for long-distance trade.
Monte Albán conforms to broader cross-cultural expectations, one pattern being the disembedded capital city; other expectations are measurable degrees of collective action in planned urban nucleation, modest social segregation by spatial separation, and city plan facilitating communication and large gatherings.
These analyses indicate that causality did not have a preferred scale of operation, so a multiscalar method is required; likewise, in both nonstate and state societies an expanded institutional approach reveals greater complexity than in theories that assume ruler or elite dominance. The case illustrates a coactive causal process in which collective action policies by the state resulted in population growth, urbanization, production intensity, market participation, and material standard of living across social sectors, which in turn fed back to the state-building process.
The founding of Monte Albán as a new political capital superseding the polities of its constituents immediately entailed urbanization, an expanding hinterland, migration, and population growth. Institution building was expressed by monumentality in public spaces, buildings, and stone sculpture.
Monte Albán endured for 1,200 years, much longer than other Mesoamerican cities. Perhaps the mix of cooperating interests and institutions present since its founding allowed society to respond to new challenges creatively and effectively. Today it is a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
With its rich archaeological data from surveys and excavations, Monte Albán and its regional context in highland Oaxaca, along with cross-cultural comparative science, are useful for evaluating current theories about sociocultural evolution. Older theories and persistent ideas about only two paths to state building – premodern (Oriental) and modern democratic (Occidental) – are less effective as explanations than those that recognize alternative pathways, heterarchy, and multiple important institutions. Collective action theory shows significant promise.
The origins of the state in Oaxaca lie in the founding of Monte Albán, which in turn led to consequences much in evidence by the Late Formative (100 BC): hierarchy development, warfare, urban and rural demographic growth, social stratification, local irrigation projects and other new agricultural strategies, and an inclusive religious cult associated with fertility. Economic behavior changed with marketplace exchange, more output by craft specialists, and increased spending on house construction and portable goods (standard of living, economic growth).
Over two thousand years ago, Oaxaca, Mexico, was the site of one of the New World's earliest episodes of primary state formation and urbanism, and today it is one of the world's archaeologically best-studied regions. This volume, which thoroughly revises and updates the first edition, provides a highly readable yet comprehensive path to acquaint readers with one of the earliest and best-known examples of Native American state formation and its consequences as seen from the perspectives of urbanism, technology, demography, commerce, households, and religion and ritual. Written by prominent archaeological researchers who have devoted decades to Oaxacan research and to the development of suitable social theory, the book places ancient Oaxaca within the context of the history of ideas that have addressed the causes and consequences of social evolutionary change. It also critically evaluates the potential applicability of more recent thinking about state building grounded in collective action and related theories.
The Recorrido Arqueológico de Coixtlahuaca (RAC) presents period-by-period settlement pattern maps for the valley of Coixtlahuaca in the northern Mixteca Alta. The RAC project made improvements in full-coverage survey methods. We identify limitations and suggest that similar projects in the future need to resolve several management and budget problems. The survey revealed two periods of heavy occupation, 700–300 BC and AD 1200–1520, separated by a long period of lower population. Archaeological and historical data indicate that during the AD 1200–1520 period, and probably earlier, small landholders organized in strong communities managed an intensive agroecosystem, investing in landesque capital. Urbanization was impressive, yet cities were aggregations of communities and barrios. Today local citizens pose questions about how the large prehispanic population could have organized and sustained itself; these questions coincide with anthropological interest in collective agency, property, landesque capital, and collapse.
The object of this essay has been to help examine spatiotemporal variation in literacy. The research reported here centered on the Valley of Oaxaca, an agricultural region in southern Mexico, during the period from 1890 to 1980. The data consist of a systematic compilation of tax and voting lists from the nineteenth century, census responses from 1890 to 1980, community ethnographies, published histories and biographies, and government reports. Attending to both the spatial and the temporal scales of events and causes was methodologically important for this research.
This paper is about Monte Negro’s origins, and how this site fits the emerging pattern in studies of Oaxacan urbanization including the Zapotec capital at Monte Albán. Our settlement data from a multivalley regional survey in the Mixteca Alta including Monte Negro allows comparison with other urban centers that we have surveyed. Monte Negro’s origins are due to internal settlement shifts, but occurred in the external context of widespread militarism and multiple urban transitions. Examination of local, regional, and macroregional settlement systems through time reveals variation in urban trajectories that current models were not designed to explain.