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International institutions are increasingly being challenged by domestic opposition and nationalist political forces. Yet, levels of politicization differ significantly across countries facing the same international authority as well as within countries over time. This raises the question of when and why the mass public poses a challenge to international cooperation. In this article, we develop a theoretical framework for understanding the nature and implications of politicization of international cooperation, outlining three scope conditions: the nature of public contestation, the activities of political entrepreneurs, and the permissiveness of political opportunity structures. By empirically examining these scope conditions, we demonstrate that politicization can have both stabilizing and destabilizing effects on international cooperation. Highlighting the systemic implications of politicization for international cooperation has important implications for international relations scholarship. Although international organizations may face challenges, they also have ways of being remarkably resilient.
Contrary to public perception, child sex offending (CSO) and paedophilia are not the same. Only half of all cases of CSO are motivated by paedophilic preference, and a paedophilic preference does not necessarily lead to CSO. However, studies that investigated clinical factors accompanying and contributing to paedophilia so far mainly relied on paedophiles with a history of CSO. The aim of this study was to distinguish between factors associated with sexual preference (paedophile versus non-paedophile) and offender status (with versus without CSO). Accordingly, a 2 (sexual preference) × 2 (offender status) factorial design was used for a comprehensive clinical assessment of paedophiles with and without a history of CSO (n = 83, n = 79 respectively), child sex offenders without paedophilia (n = 32) and healthy controls (n = 148). Results indicated that psychiatric comorbidities, sexual dysfunctions and adverse childhood experiences were more common among paedophiles and child sex offenders than controls. Offenders and non-offenders differed in age, intelligence, educational level and experience of childhood sexual abuse, whereas paedophiles and non-paedophiles mainly differed in sexual characteristics (e.g., additional paraphilias, onset and current level of sexual activity). Regression analyses were more powerful in segregating offender status than sexual preference (mean classification accuracy: 76% versus 68%). In differentiating between offence- and preference-related factors this study improves clinical understanding of both phenomena and may be used to develop scientifically grounded CSO prevention and treatment programmes. It also highlights that some deviations are not traceable to just one of these two factors, thus raising the issue of the mechanism underlying both phenomena.
When popular referendums fail to ratify new international agreements or succeed in reversing existing ones, it not only affects domestic voters but also creates negative spillovers for the other parties to such agreements. We explore how voters respond to this strategic environment. We use original survey data from a poll fielded just one day before the 2015 Greek bailout referendum—a referendum in which the stakes for other countries were particularly high—to investigate how expectations about the likely foreign response to a noncooperative referendum outcome influence voting behavior and to what extent foreign policymakers can influence those expectations. Our analysis of the Greek referendum shows that such expectations had a powerful effect on voting behavior: voters expecting that a noncooperative referendum outcome would force Greece to leave the eurozone were substantially more likely to vote cooperatively than those believing that it would result in renewed negotiations with the country's creditors. Leveraging the bank closure that took place right before the vote, we also show that costly signals by foreign actors made voters more pessimistic about the consequences of a noncooperative vote and substantially increased the share of cooperative votes.
Does globalization affect the demand-side of politics, and if so, how? This paper builds on new developments in trade theory to argue that globalization matters, but that its effects on individuals’ perceptions of labor market risk and policy preferences are more heterogenous than previous research has acknowledged. Globalization exposure increases risk perceptions and demands for social protection among low-skilled individuals, but decreases them among high-skilled individuals. This conditional effect is observationally distinct from classic trade models as well as arguments that deindustrialization or ideology predominantly drive such perceptions and preferences. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 16 European countries and focusing both on trade and offshoring, the empirical analyses support the prediction that exposure to globalization affects high- and low-skilled individuals differently, leading to variation in labor market risk perceptions and policy preferences.
This article analyses the visibility of European Union (EU) citizens in EU news during the 2009 European Parliament election. It argues that the presence of EU citizens in EU news is vital for responsiveness of European governance. First, the theoretical notion of EU citizens is considered. Next, a new way of defining EU citizens is proposed: EU citizens are divided into national and supranational EU citizens. The visibility of EU citizens in EU news of 27 EU member states is analysed aiming to explain cross-country differences. The paper is based on a large-scale content analysis of TV and newspaper articles gathered during the 2009 European Parliament election. To explain different levels of visibility, a multi-level analysis is carried out. The results suggest that EU citizens are visible in the EU news, yet, their presence strongly varies across countries. The findings indicate that explanations for different levels of visibility can be found at both the media and country level.
Advanced capitalist democracies face important challenges in the modern age. In addition to the domestic changes on national labor markets (see in particular the introductory chapter of this volume, as well as Chapter 2 on the long-term consequences of structural change and Chapter 4 on occupational change in the service economy), they are also embedded in a worldwide process of increasing economic and cultural integration. This process of globalization has not only created new opportunities and considerable constraints for policy makers in democratic capitalist states. Globalization has also produced new lines of division among voters. The deep and wide-ranging processes of economic liberalization and cultural exchange have been shown to reorder preferences and priorities among the electorate and, in doing so, have shaken up existing cleavage structures (e.g., Rogowski 1989; Kitschelt and McGann 1995; Mughan and Lacy 2002; Kayser 2007; Kriesi et al. 2008; Häusermann and Walter 2010; Margalit 2011).
In this chapter, we focus on the impact of globalization on voter preferences. Similarly to the chapter by Daniel Oesch in this volume (Chapter 4), we thus contribute to the general analytical framework of the book – as developed in the introductory chapter – by explaining how structural change affects the demand-side constraints policy makers face in advanced capitalist democracies. More specifically, we consider the consequences of trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration, which have had immediate effects on both the structure of labor markets and– thereby – voter preferences in advanced capitalist democracies. As previous scholars have argued and as we discuss later, the globalization of production and the international flow of labor generate gains and losses in ways that cut both along and across traditional class cleavages, especially when such globalization has uneven sectoral effects. To identify who benefits and who loses from globalization, scholars have investigated effects on the basis of skills, industries, and occupation.
Impaired awareness of memory deficits has been recognized as a common phenomenon in Alzheimer's disease (AD) and research is now increasingly focusing on awareness in groups at risk for future dementia. This study aimed to determine whether levels of awareness differ among healthy elderly people and patients with subjective cognitive decline (SCD), amnestic and non-amnestic subtypes of mild cognitive impairment (aMCI, naMCI), Alzheimer's disease (AD) and Parkinson's disease (PD), to explore correlates of awareness and to establish frequencies of memory over- and underestimation within each diagnostic group.
756 consecutive outpatients of a memory clinic and 211 healthy controls underwent thorough neuropsychological testing. Impairment of awareness was measured as the difference between subjective memory appraisals (16-item questionnaire on current memory-related problems in everyday life) and objective memory performance (15-item delayed recall task). Subgroups of over- and underestimators were classified using percentile ranks of controls.
At group level, awareness significantly decreased along the naMCI→aMCI→AD continuum, with naMCI patients showing a tendency towards overestimation of memory dysfunction. PD patients showed accurate self-appraisals as long as memory function was largely unaffected. However, there was a considerable between-group overlap in awareness scores. Furthermore, different correlates of awareness were observed depending on the diagnostic group. In general, unawareness seems to be associated with decreased cognitive performance in various domains (especially memory), higher age and lower levels of depression and self-reported functional impairment.
Impaired awareness is an important symptom in aMCI. Yet, given the considerable variability in awareness scores, longitudinal studies are required to evaluate their predictive power.