Somaliland might start producing oil in 2019. Yet, it has done little to prepare for the arrival of oil revenues which could exceed its current annual budget. Although Somaliland has been largely peaceful for two decades and recently inaugurated its fifth president after holding a democratic election, it remains entirely unrecognised. Oil revenues could positively transform Somaliland's fragile political economy, but they also place it at significant risk for a political resource curse that could threaten its democracy, peace and political institutions. Oil to cash or the direct distribution of oil revenues to citizens has been posited as a solution to the political resource curse. Somaliland has many of the elements necessary to make oil to cash work in place. Several factors combine to make Somaliland both potentially receptive to oil to cash and uniquely positioned to benefit from it. Interviews with political elites demonstrate receptiveness to the idea. Sample revenue calculations from other African oil producers highlight just how such a system could work to benefit Somaliland.

Botswana is frequently depicted as a major success story on acontinent where political and economic success stories areunfortunately few and far between (Acemoglu,Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Leith2005; Samatar 1999; Sarraf and Jiwanji 2001). In many ways, itis. In contrast to many resource-dependent countries, Botswana hasavoided civil war, held regular elections, and produced some of thefastest sustained economic growth in the world. Yet, on February 18,2005, President Festus Mogae declared the country's most famouspolitical scientist, Kenneth Good, a Prohibited Immigrant and gavehim 48 hours to leave the country. On May 31, 2005, after losing alegal appeal against this order, Good was held in a police cell fortwo hours, given 30 minutes to pack, and put on a flight toJohannesburg, South Africa (see timeline below). This articleexplores the background to Good's deportation and addresses some ofthe fundamental questions it raises about academic freedom.

The 1990s saw a resurgence in demand for economic sanctions. The United States imposed extraterritorial sanctions on Cuba through the Helms-Burton Law and on Iran and Libya through the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act. Environmental and human rights activists also sought, albeit with limited success, to impose sanctions against the military regimes in Burma and Nigeria.