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The neurodevelopmental and trauma theories are two widely cited models of psychosis. A third – the developmental risk factor model (DRFM) – recognises the combined role of neurodevelopmental risks and trauma. Our objective was to test these theories using preterm populations as a natural experiment, given the high prevalence of neurodevelopmental deficits and exposure to trauma.
Two population-based preterm birth cohorts, the Bavarian Longitudinal Study (BLS; N = 399) and EPICure Study (N = 184), were included with term-born controls. Peer victimisation in childhood was assessed by parent and child report and psychotic experiences (PE) were assessed in early adulthood. Different models of psychosis were tested using regression and mediation analyses.
There was support for the trauma and DRFM in the BLS. Peer victimisation increased the risk of PE for preterm and term-born participants equally [odds ratio = 4.87, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.96–12.08]. There was an indirect effect where preterm children were more likely to be victimised, which subsequently increased risk of PE [β = 1.12 (s.e. = 0.61), 95% CI 0.11–2.48]. The results were replicated in EPICure.
Exposure to trauma which is experienced more often by neurodevelopmental risk children rather than neurodevelopmental risk per se increases the risk of PE. The findings are consistent with the trauma model and DRFM. Interventions focused on reducing trauma may reduce the development of PE.
The early Middle Ages saw a major expansion of cereal cultivation across large parts of Europe thanks to the spread of open-field farming. A major project to trace this expansion in England by deploying a range of scientific methods is generating direct evidence for this so-called ‘Medieval Agricultural Revolution’.
The nature of landscape use and residence patterns during the British earlier Neolithic has often been debated. Here we use strontium and oxygen isotope analysis of tooth enamel, from individuals buried at the Hambledon Hill causewayed enclosure monument complex in Dorset, England to evaluate patterns of landscape use during the earlier Neolithic. Previous analysis suggests that a significant proportion of the artefacts found at the site may originate from lithology of Eocene and Upper to Middle Jurassic age that the enclosures overlook to the immediate west and south. The excavators therefore argued that the sector of landscape visible from Hambledon Hill provides an approximate index for the catchment occupied by the communities that it served. Most of the burial population exhibit isotope ratios that could be consistent with this argument. Connections between Hambledon Hill and regions much further afield are also hypothesised, based on the presence of artefacts within the assemblage that could have been sourced from lithology in Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall in south-west England. However, few of the sampled individuals have strontium isotope ratios consistent with having obtained the majority of their diet from such areas during childhood. The individuals who exhibit the highest strontium isotope ratios are all adult males, whom the excavators suggest to have died during one or more episodes of conflict, following the burning and destruction of surrounding defensive outworks built during the 36th century bc. At least one of these individuals, who was found with an arrowhead amongst his ribs, did not obtain his childhood diet locally and has 87Sr/86Sr values that could be comparable to those bioavailable in the south-west peninsula.
Mental health support in Sierra Leone is sparse, and qualitative research into the feasibility of implementing psychological interventions is equally underdeveloped. Following the 2014 Ebola virus disease outbreak, South London and Maudsley NHS Trust were commissioned to develop a psychological intervention that UK clinicians could train national staff with minimal psychological experience to deliver to their peers. Following the completion of the stepped care, group-based cognitive–behavioural therapy intervention, qualitative interviews were conducted with the national team to identify key barriers and enablers to implementation of and engagement with this intervention. This article describes the key themes that came out of those interviews, and discusses the implications of these findings for future clinical teams.
The use of underground geological repositories, such as in radioactive waste disposal (RWD) and in carbon capture (widely known as Carbon Capture and Storage; CCS), constitutes a key environmental priority for the 21st century. Based on the identification of key scientific questions relating to the geophysics, geochemistry and geobiology of geodisposal of wastes, this paper describes the possibility of technology transfer from high-technology areas of the space exploration sector, including astrobiology, planetary sciences, astronomy, and also particle and nuclear physics, into geodisposal. Synergies exist between high technology used in the space sector and in the characterization of underground environments such as repositories, because of common objectives with respect to instrument miniaturization, low power requirements, durability under extreme conditions (in temperature and mechanical loads) and operation in remote or otherwise difficult to access environments.
More than 50 years of archaeological survey work carried out in Cappadocia in central Turkey has produced a number of important contributions to the understanding of long-term settlement histories. This article synthesises and critically evaluates the results of three field surveys conducted in Cappadocia which recorded material remains dating from the Early Holocene through to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Results from the combined Cappadocia surveys reveal temporal patterns over the longue durée that include a lack of detectable pre-Neolithic occupation and important exploitation of obsidian as a raw material during the Neolithic. There was growth and expansion of settlement during the later Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age, a steady continuation of settlement during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, followed by rupture in settlement at the end of the Bronze Age. A new phase of settlement expansion began during the Iron Age and continued through Hellenistic and Roman times. This in turn was disrupted during the Byzantine period, which is associated with increased numbers of fortified sites. The succeeding long cycle of settlement began in Seljuk times and continued through to the end of the Ottoman period. Comparison with systematic archaeological site surveys in the adjacent regions of Paphlagonia and Konya shows some differences in settlement patterns, but overall broad sim¬ilarities indicate a coherent trajectory of settlement across central Anatolia over the last ten millennia.
During the first half of the sixteenth century, municipal councils across northern France issued ordinances designed to combat outbreaks of plague. The measures contained in these ordinances were extensive and formed the core of urban responses to plague throughout the early modern period. These ordinances did not appear out of a vacuum; rather, they represented the codification of stratagems adopted during the second half of the fifteenth century. This article will describe and account for the growth of the public health system developed by the magistrates of towns lying in the urban belt of northern and north-eastern France from the 1450s to the 1550s. It will concentrate on the towns and cities of Abbeville, Amiens, Beauvais, Paris, Rouen and Tournai, all of which possess good administrative records for the period. In addition to the texts of plague ordinances, the most valuable documents for this study are the registers of municipal deliberations, which allow us to follow the decision-making process that lay behind the development of plague legislation.
Many of the more celebrated measures against pestilence originated in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Italy, and the bulk of our knowledge regarding the ways in which urban administrations reacted to these outbreaks is based on studies of northern Italian cities, such as Florence and Venice. Although historians have expanded the geographical scope of such studies to consider municipal responses to plague in England, Spain, Switzerland, Germany and the Low Countries, little research has been done on France during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
This article will examine and compare the way that society coped with two of the major epidemics to affect Renaissance Italy: plague and the Great Pox. Even though these diseases impacted on Italy as severely as they did on the rest of Europe, different countries devised different solutions to the same problems. Discussing the strategies that Italy adopted in the long fifteenth century is valuable not just to those who work on Italian Renaissance history, but also to historians of countries such as England which developed very different measures. Indeed, in the sixteenth century, in the case of plague, the privy council and statesmen such as William Cecil, Lord Burghley, looked to continental and particularly Italian plague measures as a reflection of their ‘civility’, which made them worthy of imitation.
The main elements which constituted this ‘civility’ will be the subject of the first part of this article, which will examine society's reactions to plague in Renaissance Italy through the prism of how contemporaries understood the nature of the disease. One of the more traditional themes of historical studies of Italian plague is the idea that at the time there was a marked division in beliefs between doctors and health boards about how disease was spread, with the former supporting the idea of infected air, or miasma, and the latter espousing contagionist views. This story is complicated still further from the late fifteenth century by the emergence of the Great Pox.
John Clement, a brewer, entered the Norwich franchise in 1447. Over the next decade he was a constable nine times and a tax collector once, but he never discharged any other civic office. In spite of their important role in administering and maintaining order in English cities, men like Clement have been neglected as a result of English urban historians' tendency to focus on the better-documented and wealthier mercantile elite. Prosopographical analyses of urban political, economic, and social groups have directed some attention towards middling artisans and retailers because of their focus on collective biography, but the relative dearth of information about these groups has made even this approach more effective for understanding the senior officials. Moreover, although these studies have revealed much about civic hierarchies, they have perhaps encouraged the perception that a mercantile elite dominated all aspects of urban political life. Although no one would deny the virtual monopoly of high office by a privileged few, there is considerable evidence that mercantile control was not so comprehensive in the lower levels of civic government.
Non-elite urban officials have received little sustained analysis. Indeed, on the few occasions that mid-level offices have been examined they have generally been cast as part of the cursus honorum or as unwelcome chores rather than as potentially valuable positions. By focusing on a group of non-elite personnel, namely, constables, assessors, collectors, supervisors and searchers in Norwich between 1414 and 1473, this paper demonstrates the essential role played by such individuals and postulates that not all urban office-holders nursed greater ambitions.
The fact that the plague in its bubonic, septicaemic and pneumonic forms is still with us in the twenty-first century often comes as a shock to the general public. Memories of school projects have made them vaguely aware of the great pandemic, which arrived in southern Italy in 1347 and then raged across Europe, reaching England and Norway in 1348, through Oslo in 1348 and then through Bergen in 1349, and European Russia in 1351, where the city state of Novgorod was first infected. But then, surely, it went away? Not quite: outbreaks of plague in this second pandemic, first (allegedly) called the Black Death by Mrs Markham in 1823 in her History of England, from which the horrors of history and the complexities of party politics were removed as not suitable for young minds, lasted in England until the early eighteenth century, whilst in Italy what is generally regarded as its final appearance came at Naja, near Bari, in 1815. Even then the disease did not disappear. It merely became dormant until 1855, when a new pandemic began in China, spreading through the Pacific Rim and in 1899 to the United States where plague had previously been unknown. Indeed, as the well-known World Health Organisation map of plague loci and plague outbreaks 1970–1998 shows, the disease is enzootic or sylvatic (ever-present in certain animal populations and their fleas) in some fifty-eight different regions in the world and can still spread to more susceptible animals, including humans, in epizootic outbreaks.
Described as "a golden age of pathogens", the long fifteenth century was notable for a series of international, national and regional epidemics that had a profound effect upon the fabric of society. The impact of pestilence upon the literary, religious, social and political life of men, women and children throughout Europe and beyond continues to excite lively debate among historians, as the ten papers presented in this volume confirm. They deal with the response of urban communities in England, France and Italy to matters of public health, governance and welfare, as well as addressing the reactions of the medical profession to successive outbreaks of disease, and of individuals to the omnipresence of Death, while two, very different, essays examine the important, if sometimes controversial, contribution now being made by microbiologists to our understanding of the Black Death. Contributors: J.L. Bolton, Elma Brenner, Samuel Cohn, John Henderson, Neil Murphy, Elizabeth Rutledge, Samantha Sagui, Karen Smyth, Jane Stevens Crawshaw, Sheila Sweetinburgh
In Rouen, as in many other major European cities, following the Black Death (1347–50) there was increased anxiety about environmental health, and it was thought necessary to protect the urban population from the spread of disease through corrupt, or miasmatic, air. These preoccupations were linked to growing concerns about cleanliness, stench, ‘infection’ and the elimination of ‘pollution’, as a result of which certain features of civic life appeared particularly dangerous, including vagrant pigs and poultry, open latrines, the slaughter of animals in public places, rotten food, rubbish and contaminated water. Such anxieties were closely linked to the Galenic model of human health and physiology as disseminated in regimina sanitatis, the health manuals that were becoming increasingly popular in the later Middle Ages. In theory at least, these regimina were addressed to the upper echelons of society, as reflected, for example, by their advice regarding the consumption of expensive foodstuffs. While Galen maintained that good health resulted from the internal balance of the four bodily humours, he also devoted considerable attention to the non-naturals, which were external phenomena and psychological states that could either prevent or cause illness. They included the quality of the environment, food and drink, exercise, sleep, the purgation of bodily fluids and emotional wellbeing.