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Critics charge President Donald Trump with racism, but he insists he opposes bigotry and is an American nationalist, not a white nationalist. We use analysis of Trump’s campaign rhetoric, his administration’s policies, and their reception to assess these rival claims. In his campaign, Trump narrated American identity as a tale of lost greatness in which a once-unblemished America gave way to globalist elites who have victimized many Americans, particularly traditionalist, predominantly white Christian Americans. His policies have systematically expanded protections for such Americans and sought to increase their share of the American electorate and citizenry, while reducing or eliminating initiatives designed to assist and increase the numbers of non-white, non-Christian American voters and citizens. The evidence thus shows that although Trump does not explicitly endorse white nationalism, his rhetoric and policies articulate not a consistent race-blind nationalism, but a vision of white protectionism.
Introduction: The legalization of cannabis for recreational use in 2018 remains a controversial topic. There are multiple perceived benefits of cannabis including pain relief, treatment of epilepsy syndromes, and improving body weight of cancer patients. However, there are also many potential risks. The short-term health consequences include cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome and cannabis induced psychosis. These conditions directly impact the influx of patients presenting to Emergency Departments (ED). There is currently limited research in the area of cannabis legalization burden. However, the studies performed have shown a significant impact in those states which cannabis is legal. A study completed in Colorado found that hospitalization rates with marijuana related billing codes increased from 274 to 593 per 100 000 hospitalizations after the state legalization of recreational cannabis. This study aims to examine if Canada's hospitals are experiencing the same burden as other jurisdictions. Methods: A descriptive study was preformed via a retrospective chart review of cannabis related visits in tertiary EDs in St. John's, NL, from six months prior to the date of legalization of cannabis for recreational use, to six months after. Hospital ED visit records from both the Health Science Centre and St. Clare's Mercy Hospital were searched using keywords to identify patients who presented with symptoms related to cannabis use. We manually reviewed all visit records that included one or more of these terms to distinguish true positives from false positive cases, unrelated to cannabis use. Results: A total of 287 charts were included in the study; 123 visits were related to cannabis use six months prior to legalization, and 164 six months after legalization. A significant increase in ED visits following the legalization of recreational cannabis was seen (p < .001). There was no significant difference in the age of users between the two groups. Additionally, the number one presenting complaint due to cannabis use was vomiting (47.7%), followed by anxiety (12.2%). Conclusion: Following the implementation of the Cannabis Act in Canada, EDs in St. John's, NL had a statistically significant increase in the number of visits related to cannabis use. It is important to determine such consequences to ensure hospitals and public health agencies are prepared to treat the influx of visits and are better equipped to manage the associated symptoms.
At a time when authoritarian regimes are on the rise around the world, higher education in general and political science in particular are facing declining support and sharper political pressures in many places. Political scientists have long promised that their discipline can add to knowledge about politics and educate citizens. However, doubts have grown about whether our increasingly pluralistic discipline collectively generates useful knowledge and communicates it effectively in teaching and in broader public communications. Political scientists need to do more to place their particular studies within big pictures of how politics and the world work, and to synthesize their results. They must focus more on the politics of identity formation that has generated resurgent nationalisms and deep social divisions. They must strengthen their understanding and their community contributions through civically engaged research. They must also place greater emphasis on improving teaching. In these ways, modern scholars can show there is much good that political science can do.
In Race and the Making of American Political Science, Jessica Blatt argues that the professionalization of the discipline was deeply entwined with ideas about racial difference, and the concomitant attempt by leading scholars to define and defend a system of racial hierarchy in the United States and beyond. Although it focuses on the period from the late nineteenth century through the 1930s, the book also raises fundamental questions about the historical legacy of racialist arguments for professional political science, the extent of their continuing resonance, and contemporary implications for both academic and broader civic discourse. We have asked a range of leading political scientists to consider and respond to Professor Blatt’s important call for scholarly self-reflexivity.
In 2013, the United States Supreme Court decided Shelby County v. Holder, which invalidated Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The ruling is part of longstanding efforts to maintain American institutions that have provided wide-ranging benefits to White citizens, including disproportionate political power. Over time, such efforts are likely to fail to prevent significant increases in political gains for African Americans, Latinos, and other minority citizens. But they threaten to foster severe conflicts in American politics for years to come.
This fifth volume in the New South African Review series takes as its starting point the shock wave emanating from the events at Marikana on 16 August 2012 and how it has reverberated throughout politics and society. Some of the chapters in the volume refer directly to Marikana. In others, the infl uence of that fateful day is pervasive if not direct. Marikana has, for instance, made us look differently at the police and at how order is imposed on society. Monique Marks and David Bruce write that the massacre ‘has come to hold a central place in the analysis of policing, and broader political events since 2012’.The chapters highlight a range of current concerns – political, economic and social. David Dickinson’s chapter looks at the life of the poor in a township from within. In contrast, the chapter on foreign policy by Garth le Pere analyses South Africa’s approach to international relations in the Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma eras. Anthony Turton’s account, ‘When gold mining ends’ is a chilling forecast of an impending environmental catastrophe. Both Devan Pillay and Noor Nieftagodien focus attention on the left and, in different ways, ascribe its rise to a new politics in the wake of Marikana.The essays in NSAR 5: Beyond Marikana present a range of topics and perspectives of interest to general readers, but the book will also be a useful work of reference for students and researchers.
Beyond Marikana, the fifth edition of the New South African Review, continues to present informed, scholarly discussion and debate about key issues animating the South African experience. Produced between January 2014 and May 2015, this particular volume was shaped largely around the contention that there are significant political shifts underway in South Africa today, with several chapters tracing their fault lines to the 2012 massacre by police of striking mineworkers in a place called Marikana.
Although the third volume in the New South African Review series offered an analysis and critique of the various forces immediately implicated in the tragedy associated with Marikana, it could not have anticipated the kinds of political ructions that we have since witnessed, especially from within different parts of the African National Congress (ANC) Alliance. The fifth volume once again, then, consciously draws attention to Marikana, but this time asking what its effects and affects have been, and why it has had such an impact. In this way, Marikana becomes the starting point for a much broader discussion and debate about the potential for new political alliances and forms to emerge in the current context, a discussion that resonates globally in the wake of the political experiments of movements, such as Occupy Tahrir, Occupy Wall Street and the Spanish Indignados, and will hopefully continue in editions to come.
New South African Review 5 also offers close analyses of contemporary developments with regard to other aspects of, and issues affecting, South African society – including corruption, the economy, the Constitution, and uranium poisoning as a by-product of the mining industry.
This volume would not have been possible without the generosity of all its authors, to whom we are extremely grateful. Thanks must also go to the team at Wits University Press who continue to provide excellent guidance, assistance, skill and support to us as editors, and ensure that there is a final product for us to share. Particular thanks to the Dean of Humanities, Professor Ruksana Osman; Head of the School of Social Studies, Professor Shahid Vawda; and the Strategic Planning and Allocation of Resources Committee (Sparc) Fund for their ongoing support of the New South African Review.