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Modes of formation and rates of collapse have been determined for kame terraces and a fan delta in the Adams Inlet area, Alaska. The hummocky and trenched surface of the kame terrace develops by mass-wasting processes caused by differential melting of buried ice. The dry channels in the collapsed part of the terrace are formed by melt water during stagnant-ice bursts. Measurements over a period of 17 years indicate that terrace back-wasting averages 4.3 m a−1. The fan delta is forming near sea-level by streams that derive part of their load from the kame terrace. The fan delta seaward of the retreating kame terrace is undergoing partial collapse to produce kettles ringed by concentric fractures. Vegetation, now as much as 5 m below high tide, suggests a fan-delta collapse rate of about 0.5 m a−1.
Two prospective studies in patient with brain tumours were performed comparing the Mini Mental State Examination (MMSE) and the Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA). The first assessed their feasibility and the second compared their diagnostic accuracy against a four-hour neuropsychological assessment (NPA). The introduction of the NPA decreased accrual and retention rates. We were therefore concerned regarding potential selection bias.
Ninety-two patients were prospectively accrued and subsequently divided into three categories: a) no NPA required b) withdrew consent to NPA c) completed NPA. In order to quantify any potential bias introduced by the NPA, patient demographics and cognitive test scores were compared between the three groups.
There were significant differences in age (p<0.001), education (p=0.034), dexamethasone use (p=0.002), MMSE (p=0.005), and MoCA scores (p<0.001) across the different study groups. Furthermore, with increasing involvement of the NPA, patients' cognitive scores and educational status increased, while their age, dexamethasone use, and opioid use all decreased. Individuals who completed the NPA had higher MoCA scores than individuals who were not asked to complete the NPA (24.7 vs. 20.5; p < 0.001). In addition, this relationship held when restricting the analyses to individuals with brain metastases (p < 0.001).
In this study, the lengthy NPA chosen introduced a statistically and clinically significant source of selection bias. These results highlight the importance of selecting brief and well tolerated assessments when possible. However, researchers are challenged by weighing the improved selection bias associated with brief assessments at the cost of reduced diagnostic accuracy.
Solar-type variability is enhanced in short period close binaries with increased dynamo driven activity. This activity is studied in our analysis of recent light curves taken of the newly discovered eclipsing binaries GSC 2764 1417 (And), GSC 3355 0394 (Per) and GSC 2537 0775 (CVn).
The Canadian spring wheat (Triticum aestivum L.; Poaceae) cultivar ‘Superb’ was less susceptible to damage by Hessian fly, Mayetiola destructor (Say), than the spring wheat cultivars ‘AC Barrie’, ‘AC Foremost’, ‘McKenzie’, ‘AC Domain’, and ‘Glenlea’ in Manitoba. The partial resistance of ‘Superb’ was similar, at the seedling stage, to that of ‘Guard’, which possesses the resistance gene H18. Females laid eggs readily on all cultivars, providing no evidence for antixenosis, but few larvae developed on seedlings of ‘Superb’ and ‘Guard’, showing that antibiosis against larvae is the mechanism of resistance in these seedlings. In the field, where infestation of spring wheat takes place about 4 weeks after the seedling stage, ‘Guard’ continued to show high levels of resistance, but ‘Superb’ was less resistant, although still more resistant than highly susceptible cultivars. Infested stems of ‘Superb’ and ‘Nordic’ were less likely to break than infested stems of other cultivars, showing that these two cultivars are partially tolerant to infestation. Infested stems of ‘Guard’ and other cultivars showed high levels of stem breakage and are intolerant. Yield losses due to infestation by Hessian fly were mostly caused by the breakage and falling over of infested stems, which prevented the seeds on these stems from being harvested. Infested stems of all susceptible cultivars that remained standing at harvest had lower seed masses and fewer seeds per spike than uninfested stems, which contributed to yield loss. ‘Grandin’, a parent of ‘Superb’, is the probable source of resistance in ‘Superb’, but the pedigree of ‘Grandin’ provides no clue as to the gene(s) involved. The partial antibiosis and tolerance expressed by ‘Superb’ is sufficient to reduce losses to Hessian fly by 65% in comparison with a susceptible cultivar such as ‘AC Barrie’. ‘Superb’ is the first Canadian spring wheat cultivar identified to have an agronomically useful level of resistance to Hessian fly.
Background. Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is often co-morbid with major depression and may complicate its treatment. We were interested in differences in genetic and developmental risk factors between depressed patients with or without a co-morbid BPD.
Method. Out-patients with major depressive disorder were recruited for two treatment trials. Assessment of depressed patients included the assessment of personality disorders, developmental risk factors and DNA samples for genetic analyses.
Results. In each study there was a significant association between the 9-repeat allele of the dopamine transporter (DAT1) and BPD, with odds ratios (OR) >3 and p[les ]0·02. This association remained significant when developmental risk factors for BPD (childhood abuse and neglect and borderline temperament) were also included in the analyses. The OR was even larger in the depressed patients aged [ges ]35 years (OR 9·31, p=0·005).
Conclusion. This replicated association in depressed patients between the 9-repeat allele of DAT1 and BPD may provide clues to understanding the neurobiology of BPD. The finding that the association is larger in the older depressed patients, suggests that the 9-repeat allele may be associated with a poorer prognosis BPD, rather than a young adult limited variant of BPD.
The high level of meat and saturated fat consumption in the USA and other high-income countries exceeds nutritional needs and contributes to high rates of chronic diseases such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes mellitus and some cancers. Affluent citizens in middle- and low-income countries are adopting similar high-meat diets and experiencing increased rates of these same chronic diseases. The industrial agricultural system, now the predominant form of agriculture in the USA and increasingly world-wide, has consequences for public health owing to its extensive use of fertilisers and pesticides, unsustainable use of resources and environmental pollution. In industrial animal production there are public health concerns surrounding feed formulations that include animal tissues, arsenic and antibiotics as well as occupational health risks and risks for nearby communities. It is of paramount importance for public health professionals to become aware of and involved in how our food is produced.
The late Albian marine fossil record from eastern Australia derives from the sedimentary succession of the Great Artesian Basin deposited in a vast epicontinental sea which then covered much of the continent (see Frakes et al., 1987). Ammonites of this age are common but their generic diversity is low. Heteromorph assemblages almost exclusively comprise the taxa Myloceras, Labeceras sensu stricto and Labeceras (Appurdiceras) of the Family Labeceratidae that were widely distributed in higher latitudes of the Southern Hemisphere during Late Albian time (see Aguirre Urreta and Riccardi, 1988; Klinger, 1989). Some 19 endemic species of these genera are recorded from the Great Artesian Basin in the present literature (Etheridge, 1892; Whitehouse, 1926; Reyment, 1964) and there are additional undescribed species (Henderson and McKenzie, unpublished data). The Australian Late Albian epicontinental sea was clearly a site of significant speciation for Labeceras and Myloceras and it has been argued that the Great Artesian Basin represents the evolutionary center for these genera (Henderson, 1990).
“The political affairs of the nation disturb my mind”, West Tennessee planter John Alexander Taylor confided to his diary in mid-February 1861. Like many large slaveholders, Taylor had mixed feelings during the secession winter of 1860–61. Despite his ambivalence, or possibly because of it, Taylor ultimately sided with the vast majority of his Haywood County neighbors in the state referendum in June, casting his ballot for separation from the Union and representation in the Confederate Congress. He did so, however, with neither animosity nor secessionist zeal. “Better to make our own laws”, he noted in simple justification of his act, “than to be always quarreling”.
Taylor's terse diary entries do not reveal the cause of his initial hesitation. Perhaps, as was true of numerous southern moderates – the prescient ones – he recognized secession's inherent threat to the stability and security of his world. Without question, there was much to be lost should the gamble fail: The Taylors were one of the oldest and wealthiest families in the county. Four days away from his forty-third birthday when Tennessee left the union, John Taylor had lived in Haywood since the age of six, when in 1825 his father, Richard, had moved his wife and three sons from Mecklenburg County, Virginia, to the cotton frontier. An extensive migration of kinfolk followed, and by 1832 his grandfather and four uncles had also built homes in the same neighborhood east of Brownsville.
The internal diversity of the nineteenth-century South is simultaneously one of the most widely invoked and least explored themes in southern history. Whereas earlier generations were content to focus chiefly on the Black Belt and then extrapolate their findings to the entire South, since the 1970s scholars have been increasingly uncomfortable with such an approach, recognizing that it might exaggerate regional uniformity and lead to a distorted understanding of small-farm sections. The result, first manifested extensively during the 1980s, has been a marked interest in the social and economic development of areas outside of the Black Belt, most notably the Upcountry areas of Georgia and South Carolina and the remote recesses of southern Appalachia. Despite such recent work, however, our understanding of the socioeconomic bases of southern internal diversity is still primarily impressionistic. Like blind men groping an elephant, scholars have begun to describe different parts of the whole but as yet have no systematic basis for comparing them. Although scholars now frequently maintain that plantation and nonplantation areas differed in social and economic structure, explicitly comparative studies that explore such differences are rare.
In this book I have attempted to fashion such an explicitly comparative study by investigating and measuring the diversity of social and economic structure among rural Tennesseans during the era of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Perhaps no other state exhibited greater agricultural diversity on the eve of the Civil War than did Tennessee.
Do not guess, try to count, and if you can not count admit that you are guessing.
The conclusions presented in this work rest upon an analysis of extensive statistical data drawn from the federal manuscript censuses for 1850, 1860, 1870, and 1880. Although these censuses are indispensable tools for the economic and social historian, any scholar who has used them knows that they are potentially deceptive as well as insightful. To maximize their value, historians must use the quantitative evidence that they contain judiciously and with a constant awareness of their limitations – in the same manner, in other words, as they would approach any other form of historical artifact. This means applying rigorous standards both in the selection of evidence (sampling) and in its interpretation (statistical inference).
The data sets developed for this study fall into one of two basic categories. The statistics on wealth distribution presented in Chapters 2 and 3 are based on estimates of real and personal wealth recorded in the manuscript population censuses and include the entire population of white farm households for all eight sample counties. A farm household, as I have defined it, included any household in which one or more members reported a farm-related occupation to the census enumerator, whether planter, overseer, farmer, tenant, farm laborer, or farm hand.
In an 1883 report to the Tennessee legislature, state commissioner of agriculture Joseph Buckner Killebrew addressed widespread complaints concerning the unreliability of black labor. “Our labor system”, he explained, “as it regards the farm, may be regarded as passing through a transition period, and gradually approaching its permanent condition. Until this is reached, change and uncertainty may be anticipated”. Killebrew made this observation two decades after the Emancipation Proclamation, and, if correct, the commissioner's assessment indicates that “change and uncertainty” were persistent rather than transient features of the postbellum Tennessee countryside, enduring for a generation after the slaves were freed.
Killebrew's conclusion is troubling, for it clashes with basic tenets of the conventional wisdom among scholars in regard to the postbellum transformation of southern agriculture. During the past twenty years, many economists and historians have produced works that examine the social and economic reconstruction of the South and the fate of the freedmen in particular. The account emerging from these studies posits a fleeting transitional period (several years at most) after emancipation – during which new institutions and patterns of behavior were quickly but firmly established – followed by seventy-five years with little change. Agreement is so widespread in regard to basic factual details of the account that a standard scenario is accepted by the majority of scholars. Its fundamental elements are well known and need be reviewed here only briefly.