Red tides of the naked dinoflagellate Gyrodinium aureolum Hulburt occurred in sealochs in the north of the Firth of Clyde, Scotland, during late September 1980. Greatestconcentrations of the organism were found in the top 1 m layer of the water column, which was stabilized, and probably also enriched with nutrients, by freshwater input fromland drainage. In addition vertical and horizontal concentration must be postulated toexplain Gyrodinium cell densities of 2 x to7 cells I"1 and chlorophyll concentrations of 2228 mg m“”3 near the shore at Otter Ferry, Loch Fyne.

On 28 September 1980, water containing the red tide at Otter Ferry was unintentionally pumped into fish ponds at a shore-based salmon farm and resulted in the death, in one pond, of 3000 salmon each weighing about 1 kg and of 200–300 smolts in another when water was transferred to it from the affected pond. Pathological investigation of affected salmon showed that death was likely to have resulted from asphyxiation and osmotic shock as a result of extensive cellular damage to gills and guts. Results of mouse bioassays, using acidic and ether extracts of flesh and guts from affected salmon, suggest that necrotizing toxin(s) was associated with the cells of Gyrodinium aureolum during the bloom. The clinical signs exhibited by mice injected with toxin extracts were, however, unlike those caused by paralytic shellfish poison or toxins of the Gymnodinium breve type.

Sustainability is supposed to be the watchword of the coming century. Kenneth Boulding characterized the economic system of the 19th century as a “cowboy economy,” meaning that resources were essentially not a limiting factor. In contrast, he noted that in the future we must prepare to live in a “spaceship economy,” adopting Barbara Ward's famous metaphor of “Spaceship Earth.” In a spaceship, all materials must be recycled (or discarded into space).

Inflation has long been a fact of economic and political life in Argentina. The Peronist government which assumed office in mid-1973 attempted to control inflation through the so-called Social Pact, a wage-price agreement of two years’ duration involving the leading labor union organization, a leading businessmen's organization, and the Argentine state. An awareness of the principal issues of the economic situation is essential to an understanding of the crisis of contemporary Argentina, and a description of the evolution of the Social Pact reveals some of the essential contours of the economic debate. But the importance of the Social Pact extends beyond mere economic considerations. The study of the latest Argentine experience with anti-inflationary policy suggests some generalizations about the nature of populist political movements, the symbolic functions of economic policy initiatives, and the functions of such policies in co-opting private economic actors and legitimating governmental interference with free market forces. It also reveals some important characteristics of Argentine politics, especially concerning relations between the state and private economic groups. With economic and political implications of comparative significance, the Argentine Social Pact is an important case study in political economy.

The legacy of problems associated with Latin American development policy in the postwar era necessitates the asking of some fundamental questions about the future of development in that region. Economic growth rates have been insufficient, and the employment and distributional problems have been worsening. This situation is in large measure attributable to specific policies pursued by Latin American governments, especially the array of policies included under the rubric of “import-substituting industrialization.” Such policies are critically analyzed as a prelude to the discussion of a suggested reorientation of Latin American development policy. The goal of such a redirected, poverty-oriented development policy is the creation of “livable” (if not “developed”) societies. The effort to fashion development policies aiming at “livability” entails, at the most general level, distributional and short-run emphases. But it also involves the need for major innovations in such diverse areas as technological, agricultural, regional, and educational development. Reorientations of international development lending would also be required. The economic problems of the livability approach are formidable, but recent findings indicate that poverty-oriented development strategies may be economically viable. The political problems are equally if not more formidable, and it is likely that their confrontation will involve new ways of thinking about “political development” and about the relationship of political regime types to economic development.

The recent presidential election in Chile and the subsequent installation of Salvador Allende as “The first popularly elected Marxist president in the Western Hemisphere” have once again brought that isolated republic to the attention of the academic community, journalistic commentators, and the public at large. This is not the first time that Chile has experienced such world-wide interest in its domestic political affairs: the emergence of the so-called “Socialist Republic” in 1932, the Popular Front experience of 1938–41, and the 1964 election of the Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei marked other occasions when interest in Latin American politics has shifted to Chile. But perhaps never before has so much interest been lavished on tlie country as following the events of September, 1970.