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Worry is experienced by many older adults, yet our understanding of the emotional experience of late-life worry is poor as findings regarding older adults are inferred from findings of studies conducted with young adults. In the present study, we aimed to characterize age differences in affect, self-reported arousal, and physiological arousal experienced during worry.
Fifty-three young (M = 21.4, SD = 2.6 years) and 55 older community-dwelling adults (M = 69.1, SD = 8.1 years) participated in an experimental induction of worry or pleasant/neutral recall. Measures collected included: Penn State Worry Questionnaire (PSWQ), worry intensity item, Multiple Affect Adjective Checklist-Revised (MAACL-R), Self-Assessment Maniken arousal item, and heart rate. Standardized residual scores were calculated to represent change from baseline for self-report and psychophysiological measures.
Older adults had lower trait worry and worry intensity at baseline. A significant age by induction type interaction was found for the MAACL-R subscales of anxiety, depression, hostility, and positive affect. Compared with young adults, older adults experienced smaller changes in emotions in response to the worry induction than in the recall induction. For both worry and recall inductions, older adults exhibited less change in self-reported arousal and interbeat intervals from baseline compared with young adults.
Findings from the present study illuminate both similarities and differences in the experience of worry for older and young adults. This study provides preliminary evidence for the characterization of late-life worry as generating less anxiety than worry during young adulthood.
In contrast to the cargoes of earlier times, which consisted largely of sumptuary and priority goods, mid-19th-century maritime trade increasingly involved bulk cargoes of commodities, with steam propulsion and iron construction becoming more important as alternative technologies to sail propulsion and wood construction. The mid-to-late-19th century was an important period of transition, during which expanding economies of scale and these new technologies evolved together in a complex manner within the social context of the Western mercantile system. Underwater archaeology is proving a potent and effective tool for understanding this transition. Archaeologists studying this period cannot always expect to find preserved cargoes, even with ships known to have been used as freighters or transports. With cargoless wrecks in which all or part of the cargo (often perishable) may have been lost after the ship sank, however, analysis of the ship's structure can be as informative about the conduct of trade as it is about ship technology. Two areas discussed earlier as notorious ship traps, the Dry Tortugas and Bermuda Islands, have provided exceptional opportunities for studying maritime commerce of this period.
Underwater surveys and documentation sponsored by the NPS in the Dry Tortugas in Florida have enabled maritime archaeologists to identify two basic categories of mid-19th-century shipwrecks there: construction wrecks, the remains of ships that were engaged in bringing building materials to Fort Jefferson between the 1840s and late 1860s, and en-route wrecks, the remains of vessels transporting cargoes through the Straits of Florida.
As a historical science, shipwreck archaeology requires some basic understanding of the physical relationships between ship design and construction and the medium in which voyaging occurs. It also requires an organized approach to the physical context of the wreck – both the factors leading to the loss of the vessel and the factors that have affected the condition and distribution of wreck materials at the site. Many such relationships operate according to uniformitarian principles – that is, they can be assumed to have operated in the past in the same manner, though not necessarily at the same rate, as they do today.
Any ship other than a submersible operates simultaneously and continuously in two media, the sea and air, while avoiding contact with a third, land, except under specific conditions like docking or beaching. The combination of sea and air environments, fluid and ever changing, dominates all maritime activities. Each of these media independently affects the movements of a ship at sea. A vessel approaching a dock on a windy day, for example, with a current moving in one direction and a wind from another at different velocities is affected differently above and below water by each. Docking under such conditions requires a high order of skill and experience, and the ship's ability to maneuver and change speed is critical.
Sea and air environments also interact in complex ways.
Underwater archaeology offers a unique perspective on ancient trade. Shipwrecks provide information about trading behavior and relationships at a distance, in contexts that differ sharply from those on land.
Archaeologist Colin Renfrew (1975: 4) noted that trade “…requires organization as well as commodity,” and he went on to develop a comprehensive theory of trade. His theory was based on a model of exchange involving 10 different modes of trade. Each of these postulated different kinds of patterning of material items in the archaeological record as a result of different ways of organizing trade (Renfrew, 1975: 41–44). For maritime archaeology, however, Renfrew's theory is applicable only to ports of trade and other shore-based facilities.
For maritime archaeologists, the principal loci for evidence of ancient trade occur at points between the nodes of exchange in Renfrew's model. The Bronze Age wrecks at Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya and the Roman-era wreck at Madrague de Giens (along with scores of other Roman-era cargo transports) were the remains of vessels wrecked while en route between points and not necessarily near a point of departure or destination. Renfrew admitted that (1975: 45) “Maritime trade virtually excludes certain modes, such as mode 4 [down-the-line] and it is a truism that rivers or seas may be regarded either as barriers or as easy channels of communication according to the transport available.”
Later, Renfrew proposed distance-decay relationships between items of trade and the distances of those items from their source.
Because the remains of early watercraft are often found in saturated soils and peat bogs, the archaeological record tends toward overrepresentation of log and wood-plank boats. These are better preserved than watercraft made of skins, reeds, or other, more perishable materials (McGrail, 1981: 6). Sometimes this bias can be overcome to a degree by use of documentary and iconographic information, although such representations often lack detail and may be inaccurate. The biggest problem with the archaeology of small watercraft has been the tendency to resort to conjectural history to overcome the limitations and gaps imposed by the archaeological record. There are serious questions about the use of ethnographic analogies in the attempt to understand ancient boatbuilding and use (McGrail, 1998: 3). Their value to archaeology was succinctly summarized by Muckelroy (1978: 236) as providing a wider range of possibilities for assessing how particular boat technologies may have been used than experimental reconstructions or computer-generated simulations. The archaeology of boats and early ships has come a long way, however, since Muckelroy's time, and today archaeological evidence can support more empirically grounded analysis and interpretations.
The earliest direct archaeological evidence for small boats is a birchwood paddle preserved in peat and mud deposits at the site of Star Carr, a roughly 8,000-year-old Mesolithic campsite in northeastern England (Clark, 1954: 23; Fig. 77, Plate 21).
Maritime archaeology deals with shipwrecks and is carried out by divers rather than diggers. It embraces maritime history and analyses changes in shipbuilding, navigation and seamanship and offers fresh perspectives on the cultures and societies that produced the ships and sailors. Drawing on detailed past and recent case studies, Richard A. Gould provides an up-to-date review of the field that includes dramatic new findings arising from improved undersea technologies. This second edition of Archaeology and the Social History of Ships has been updated throughout to reflect new findings and new interpretations of old sites. The new edition explores advances in undersea technology in archaeology, especially remotely operated vehicles. The book reviews many of the major recent shipwreck findings, including the Vasa in Stockholm, the Viking wrecks at Roskilde Fjord and the Titanic.
Shipbuilding and related industries often represented the highest technology of their time, and archaeologists have played a leading role in the process of understanding its nature and complexities. The literature on ancient shipbuilding is skewed, however, toward ships associated with cultural elites or with powerful historical associations, such as battles or other documented events and famous personalities. In the case of early ships, there is also a preoccupation with the earliest example of a particular shipbuilding tradition or, for that matter, of shipbuilding itself.
The recent history of archaeology offers on-land guidance here. Archaeological fieldwork in the late 1940s and 1950s, initiated by archaeologist Robert Braidwood, led to discoveries and claims for the earliest domestication in the Iraqi highlands, particularly at the ancient village site of Jarmo (Braidwood and Howe, 1960). Further research in this region by Kathleen Kenyon, James Mellaart, Frank Hole, and Kent Flannery, however, led to the recognition that early domestication was not a unique event but a process that was under way around 12,000 to 10,000 years ago at more than 20 sites from Turkey to Iran and extending southward to Jordan and southern Israel. Subsequent archaeological research expanded the number of locations and sought to identify and evaluate different cultural and ecological factors that drove this process. Archaeologists now assume that the origin of agriculture and settled communities in the Middle East was a multifaceted process that took place over a wide but ecologically definable region and over a period of hundreds or even thousands of years – it was not a single event at a particular spot or attributable to a single cause.
For experienced divers, the underwater world is a familiar neighborhood. It is as open to human experience as any domain on land. Although strikingly different from the land environment, it is knowable in the same way. The underwater world is as amenable to good scientific controls and methods, and the results can be evaluated by the same standards as archaeology on land. The issues about our understanding of the human past through archaeology are equally relevant underwater and on land. Just as land archaeology had to distance itself from its early connections with tomb-robbers and pot-hunters, underwater archaeology is progressively disengaging itself from its unfortunate association with treasure-hunting. Increasingly, it is characterized by the use of controlled methods of data recovery and by analytical approaches to inferences about past human behavior based on those data.
History and Archaeological Science
Underwater archaeology encompasses a broad range of submerged cultural and historical remains. As a historical science, it is structured by many of the same sorts of assumptions and general principles that guide other historical sciences, like paleontology, evolutionary biology, and geology. Underwater archaeologists, like their land counterparts, rely heavily on scientific methods of dating as well as on controlled laboratory methods for studying ancient diet, technology, and ecology. One of the major questions confronting underwater archaeologists today, however, is the extent to which archaeology should also be viewed as a social science.
It has been suggested that if a sailor from the days of the Spanish Armada in 1588 could have been transported forward through time to the deck of a sailing ship in the mid- to late-19th century, about 300 years later, he would have been familiar with the sails, rigging, and general character of the ship and could have proceeded about his duties without delay or specialized training. The various European cultural traditions that emerged over this 300- to 400-year period eventually settled on a class of ship, the galleon, that was to dominate overseas colonization, trade, and war. The galleon was the product of processes of cultural selection during the course of numerous voyages of exploration, fishing, whaling, and initial colonization that encompassed the New World, Africa, and Asia (with a few unplanned excursions to Australia). Events in Europe also had a direct bearing on the course of overseas empire, especially in the head-to-head competition between Spanish and English seafarers, and underwater archaeology has profoundly influenced our understanding of the nature of this competition. The final phase of the European transition from medieval to postmedieval maritime culture from the 14th to the mid-16th century, received a strong impetus from the societies of the Iberian Peninsula – the Spanish, Portuguese, and the Basques – along with influences from the Genoese and the Venetians.
Elements of conservatism are sometimes implicit in contemporary treatments of maritime technology under sail. Although conservative adherence to shipbuilding rules and practices was undeniably present at the level of distinguishable cultural traditions such as the Vikings, there was another level within these traditions in which shipbuilders revealed their adaptability in relation to changing circumstances of commerce and conflict. Underwater archaeology has substantially increased our appreciation for this finer-grained level of analysis and has made the different maritime traditions appear less monolithic to maritime culture historians.
Sailing craft in various parts of the world today retain certain features of ancient boats and ships. For example, Greenhill and Morrison (1995: 221) suggest that, “although clinker-building for large vessels went out of use, it persisted for boats and small ships down to the end of wooden boatbuilding and remained the principal tradition in Britain and Scandinavia and parts of North America.” They go on to present a parallel case for the historical survival of a European-based flat-bottomed boatbuilding tradition founded ultimately on the Baltic cog and continuing to the modern dory, a type of boat widely used by fishermen along the northeastern coast of North America (Greenhill and Morrison, 1995: 229–240). Their argument is muddied, however, by recognition that the functional advantages of flat-bottomed boats and ships – simplicity, cheapness of construction, and suitability for operation in shallow waters and on beaches and mud flats – led to the adoption of this design in many parts of the world, and one cannot tell to what extent these claimed survivals were due to the retention and transmission of the principles of a particular cultural–historical tradition to succeeding generations or to convergent abilities within different cultural–historical traditions to adapt in similar ways to similar circumstances.