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There are concerns that price promotions encourage unhealthy dietary choices. This review aims to answer the following research questions (RQ1) what is the prevalence of price promotions on foods in high-income settings, and (RQ2) are price promotions more likely to be found on unhealthy foods?
Systematic review of articles published in English, in peer-review journals, after 1 January 2000.
Included studies measured the prevalence of price promotions (i.e. percentage of foods carrying a price promotion out of the total number of foods available to purchase) in retail settings, in upper-mid to high-income countries.
‘Price promotion’ was defined as a consumer-facing temporary price reduction or discount available to all customers. The control group/comparator was the equivalent products without promotions. The primary outcome for this review was the prevalence of price promotions, and the secondary outcome was the difference between the proportions of price promotions on healthy and unhealthy foods.
Nine studies (239 344 observations) were included for the meta-analysis for RQ1, the prevalence of price promotions ranged from 6 % (95 % CI 2 %, 15 %) for energy-dense nutrient-poor foods to 15 % (95 % CI 9 %, 25 %) for cereals, grains, breads and other starchy carbohydrates. However, the I-squared statistic was 99 % suggesting a very high level of heterogeneity. Four studies were included for the analysis of RQ2, of which two supported the hypothesis that price promotions were more likely to be found on unhealthy foods.
The prevalence of price promotions is very context specific, and any proposed regulations should be supported by studies conducted within the proposed setting(s).
This anthology is the first sustained examination of American involvement in World War II through an environmental lens. World War II was a total and global war that involved the extraction, processing, and use of vast quantities of natural resources. The wartime military-industrial complex, the 'Arsenal of Democracy,' experienced tremendous economic growth and technological development, employing resources at a higher intensity than ever before. The war years witnessed transformations in American agriculture; the proliferation of militarized landscapes; the popularization of chemical and pharmaceutical products; a rapid increase in energy consumption and the development of nuclear energy; a remaking of the nation's transportation networks; a shift in population toward the Sunbelt and the West Coast; a vast expansion in the federal government, in conjunction with industrial firms; and the emergence of environmentalism. World War II represented a quantitative and qualitative leap in resource use, with lasting implications for American government, science, society, health, and ecology.
Chapter 2 places the movement of 99,752 recaptives within a broader history of forced migration in the Atlantic world, conceptualizing the voyages of Liberated Africans as a “structuring link” between homeland and diaspora. The chapter shifts the level analysis away from aggregate origins to the individual experiences of Africans, whom the 1807 Abolition Act and the deployment of the Anti-Slavery Squadron were intended to help. To do so I draw on a corpus of narratives composed in Sierra Leone that comprise some of the few first-hand accounts we have of enslavement in Africa. I also introduce the argument, further elaborated on in subsequent chapters, that this experience was a crucible during which “shipmates” forged deep, lasting connections. Nineteenth-century Sierra Leone was populated first and foremost by the arrival of some five hundred cohorts of shipmates. The Middle Passage experienced by recaptives was both an ending – to family, to friends, to familiar sights and sounds – but also a beginning, to new communities, families, and affinities that helped define colonial society in Sierra Leone.
The concluding chapter follows the buildup, instigation, suppression, and legacies of the Cobolo War, an 1832 conflagration that marked the largest flashpoint between Liberated Africans and the colonial state. During the war, a group of “Mahomedan Aku” (Yoruba Muslim) Liberated Africans, who had previously vacated the colony temporarily, defeated a colonial militia instructed to bring the fugitives back to Freetown. The actions of these Aku Liberated Africans were contemporaneous with a pattern of violent resistance to colonial oppression instigated by Yoruba speakers around the Atlantic world in the 1820s and 1830s. Although eventually defeated, the conflict at Cobolo had long-standing legacies. In the months and years after the battle – and a failed attempt to try the leaders for treason – British officials embarked on a campaign of intimidation and repression, toppling mosques that Muslim Liberated Africans had built as they moved into communities to ensure their religious autonomy. This chapter traces the relationship between Muslim and ethnic identity in the context of colonial oppression, the role of Islam in shaping the conceptual meaning of “Aku,” and the endurance of Muslim Liberated African communities over subsequent generations of Sierra Leonean history.
The conclusion moves chronologically forward, exploring the connections that the colony-born offspring of Liberated Africans felt toward their parents’ societies of birth, their forms of communal association, and their cultural and religious practices. While the emphasis of the study is on the charter generation who experienced the Middle Passage, themes such as community and identity do not lend them well to concrete end dates. The conclusion argues not only that certain customs and forms of communal identification “survived” the westernizing and Christianizing influences of colonial life, but that the late nineteenth century saw a resurgence or revival of such customs and associations. At a time when disillusionment with the British colonial project was at its height, the second- and third-generation offspring of those who came to Freetown on slave ships looked once again to the languages, dress, and community organizations of their forebears. This Conclusion argues that processes of ethnogenesis and creolization cannot simply be seen as a linear process in which certain vestiges can be traced across generations to certain regions of the African continent.