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The role that physical attractiveness and fluctuating asymmetry (FA), a measure of developmental instability, play in self-perception and peer associations were explored in a well-studied cohort of Jamaican children using a novel research paradigm where subjects were already known to each other for extensive periods of time. The results showed that how attractive a child was perceived by others was significantly positively correlated with self-ratings of attractiveness. Contrary to findings from WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, Democratic) samples, the study found a reversal in the sex differences in self-perceived attractiveness and self-esteem, where Jamaican females rate themselves more attractive and report higher self-esteem than do males. Attractiveness also predicts overall popularity, as measured by desirability as a friend and the percentage of peers who choose an individual as a friend. Attractive individuals of both sexes were chosen more often as ‘friends’. A significant correlation was also found between an individual’s FA and the average FA of those chosen as friends. However, the effect was primarily due to preferences by males for female friends possessing similar levels of FA, which could be an effective strategy in reducing future mating effort.
Heteroplasmy is the existence of multiple mitochondrial DNA haplotypes within the cell. Although the number of reports of heteroplasmy is increasing for arthropods, the occurrence, number of variants, and origins are not well studied. In this research, the occurrence of heteroplasmy was investigated in Thrips tabaci, a putative species complex whose lineages can be distinguished by their mitochondrial DNA haplotypes. The results from this study showed that heteroplasmy was due to the occurrence of mitochondrial cytochrome oxydase I (mtCOI) haplotypes from two different T. tabaci lineages. An assay using flow cytometry and quantitative real-time PCR was then used to quantify the per cell copy number of the two mtCOI haplotypes present in individuals exhibiting heteroplasmy from nine geographically distant populations in India. All of the T. tabaci individuals in this study were found to exhibit heteroplasmy, and in every individual the per cell copy number of mtCOI from lineage 3 comprised 75–98% of the haplotypes detected and was variable among individuals tested. There was no evidence to suggest that the presense of lineage-specific haplotypes was due to nuclear introgression; however, further studies are needed to investigate nuclear introgression and paternal leakage during rare interbreeding between individuals from lineages 2 and 3.
Fláajökull is a non-surging outlet glacier draining the south-eastern part of the Vatnajökull, southeast Iceland. Fláajökull was stationary or advanced slightly between 1966 and 1995 and formed a prominent end moraine. Glacial retreat since then has revealed a cluster of 15 drumlins. This study focuses on the morphology and sedimentology of the drumlins. They are 100–600 m long, 40–130 m wide, and have cores of glaciofluvial sediment or till. The drumlins are draped by ~1 m thick, massive subglacial traction till. The glacier forefield is characterized by a number of arcuate and saw-tooth, terminal and recessional moraine ridges, overridden moraines with fluted surfaces, and glaciofluvial outwash. Some of the drumlins extend towards the 1995 end moraine but terminate abruptly at the moraine and are not observed in front of it. This suggests that they were formed sub-marginally during the 1966–1995 terminal position. The sedimentary structure of the drumlins is best explained by the sticky spot model. Dating and dendrochronological analyses of birch logs found on the surface of one of the drumlins indicate that the valley was forested about 2100 calendar year BP, after which the glacier started to reform, possibly due to an abrupt change in climate.
Rotationally fissioned asteroids produce unbound asteroid pairs that have very similar heliocentric orbits. Backward integration of their current heliocentric orbits provides an age of closest proximity that can be used to date the rotational fission event. Most asteroid pairs follow a predicted theoretical relationship between the primary spin period and the mass ratio of the two pair members that is a direct consequence of the YORP-induced rotational fission hypothesis. If the progenitor asteroid has strength, asteroid pairs may have higher mass ratios or faster rotating primaries. However, the process of secondary fission leaves the originally predicted trend unaltered. We also describe the characteristics of pair members produced by four alternative routes from a rotational fission event to an asteroid pair. Unlike direct formation from the event itself, the age of closest proximity of these pairs cannot generally be used to date the rotational fission event since considerable time may have passed.
This book explores how natural hazards in the Philippines can amplify the environmental harm prevalent in mining and pose a substantial threat to the livelihoods of archipelagos poor, who depend upon subsistence agriculture and subsistence aquaculture.
Given the risks associated with locating large-scale mining projects amid the natural hazards present in the Philippines, and the reluctance of many members of that archipelago's civil society to accept technological solutions to these risks, one may wonder whether a mining-based development paradigm is an appropriate approach to be followed. Will mining-related environmental disruptions brought on by the interactions of mining's environmental effects and the natural hazards present in the Philippines only serve to disrupt the ecology of the poor and end up impoverishing vulnerable communities adjacent to mining operations? Alternatively, will mining act as an engine of economic growth and generate so much prosperity that whatever instances of environmental disruption may occur can easily be compensated for by the subsequent rising tide of prosperity that “lifts all boats?”
The Twin Pillars of Sustainable Development
In addressing the efficacy of any development strategy, the concept of sustainable development is a useful metric. In 1987, the World Commission on Environment and Development defined the now ubiquitous term “sustainable development” as being “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987, 43). However, this definition may only be viewed as a starting point in discussions of sustainable development because much of this discussion directs its attention not on the negative consequences of economic growth upon the environment, but on the negative consequences of environmental degradation upon economic growth (Holden 2009b).
At the outset, this book posed the question, “What are the difficulties inherent in attempting to pursue a mining-based development paradigm in a country beset by natural hazards?” The Philippines is a country plagued by widespread poverty, but also richly endowed with mineral resources. To stimulate the economic development of the country, the government has rigorously promoted large-scale mining by corporations. Mining is, however, an activity with a substantial potential for environmental degradation and the Philippines is a country subjected to numerous natural hazards such as typhoons, earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanoes and El Niño–induced drought. The Philippines is also inhabited by poor people engaged in subsistence activities who are highly vulnerable to any form of environmental degradation. These natural hazards interfere with the environmental effects of mining and worsen the conditions of the poor engaged in subsistence activities thus creating disasters. The situation that transpired after the typhoon caused the tailings spill at the Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project in October 2005 will play itself out over and over again, possibly with catastrophic consequences. This is the classic embodiment of a disaster: a hazard that impacts a vulnerable population. A mining-based development paradigm will not generate development lifting the poor out of poverty and it will deprive them of their basic means of survival and generate disasters. To answer the question posed by the title of this book, this is not an example of “digging to development” and this is an example of “digging to disaster.”
Natural hazards are those atmospheric, hydrologic, geologic and other naturally occurring physical phenomena that have the potential to harm humans (Punongbayan 1994). An extensive body of literature exists documenting the vulnerability of the Philippines to natural hazards (Bankoff 1999, 2003a, 2003b; Bankoff and Hilhorst 2009; Delica 1993; Holden 2011; Luna 2001; Yumul et al. 2011).
Typhoons: One of the World's Most Powerful Atmospheric Phenomena
Typhoons: Tropical cyclones in the Western Pacific
Typhoon, originating from the Chinese tai (strong) and fung (wind), is the term used to describe a tropical cyclone in the Western Pacific Ocean (Bankoff 2003a). A typhoon is one of the world's most powerful atmospheric phenomena with a fully developed typhoon releasing the energy equivalent to many Hiroshima-sized atomic bombs (Wisner et al. 2004). Typhoons develop in the northern hemisphere during the months of July to November in an area just north of the equator (Bankoff 2003a; Wisner et al. 2004). They develop when strong clusters of thunderstorms drift over warm ocean waters having a temperature of at least 26.5 degrees Celsius. Warm air from the thunderstorms combines with the warm air from the ocean surface and begins rising; as this air rises there will be a reduction in air pressure on the surface of the ocean. As these clusters of thunderstorms consolidate into one large storm, trade winds blowing in opposite directions will cause the storm to begin spinning in a counter clockwise direction, while rising warm air causes air pressure to decrease at higher altitudes (Gonzalez 1994; Van Aalst 2006).
The preceding chapter demonstrated that a mining-based development paradigm is inappropriate in the Philippines. Mining-related environmental disruptions will disrupt the ecology of the poor and end up impoverishing vulnerable communities adjacent to mining operations. The instances of environmental disruption occurring when large-scale mining is located amid the natural hazards present in the archipelago will not be compensated for by a rising tide of prosperity lifting all boats. Opposition to mining is so pronounced in the islands that nine provincial governments (Figure 6.3) have passed moratoriums banning large-scale mining within their jurisdiction. These provincial governments are so concerned about the environmental effects of large-scale mining that they have gone so far as to ban it completely. To the residents of these provinces, a complete and utter absence of largescale mining is preferable to any form of it. This is not a discussion of how mining can be implemented differently so as to better propel the residents of these provinces towards some teleological concept of development, rather this is a discussion of the residents of these provinces being happy living the way they currently are and not wanting mining to disrupt their sources of income.
Consider the residents of the province of Sorsogon, deprived of their livelihoods by the cyanide spill at the Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project. To these people, mining did nothing but plunge them into destitution; they would have been much better off had the mining company never turned a shovel on Rapu-Rapu Island.
The Philippine government and the mining industry are not oblivious to the risks presented by the intersection of mining and natural hazards and these risks are a concern to them. Mining investors are apprehensive that the government's “supportive policy could wane because of populist pressures in the event of a big mining disaster” (Landingin 2008, 9). Should a typhoon or earthquake collapse a tailings dam or if mine-pit dewatering aggravates an El Niño–induced drought, this could generate a backlash against mining that leads to an abrupt cessation of the government's support for mining. This would be an example of how “the enabling power of catastrophes” can “achieve and exceed the political significance of revolutions” (Beck 1992, 78). To both the government and the mining industry, these risks are relatively serious but are, however, quite capable of being overcome by the use of technocratic responses and the environmental effects of mining are more than capable of being managed.
Environmental Impact Assessment: A Tool of Environmental Management?
Introduction to environmental impact assessment
The first technocratic method of environmental management, which could be something capable of reducing the risks of a mining related disaster, is environmental impact assessment (EIA), “perhaps the most widely used tool of environmental management in the minerals sector” (Mining, Minerals, and Sustainable Development 2002, 248).
Mining: An Activity with Substantial Potential for Environmental Harm
The government of the Philippines is counting on the role mining can play as a source of economic development, but it must be acknowledged that mining is also an activity presenting a plethora of environmental, social and economic problems. As Pring et al. (1999, 45) acknowledged, “Few, if any, forms of economic development present the array of potential environmental, social and economic problems of the mining industry.” Discovering, extracting and processing minerals is widely regarded as one of the most environmentally and socially disruptive activities in the world and environmental impacts can occur during exploration, mine development, mine operation and long after a mine has closed down (Bebbington et al. 2008). Modern large-scale mining can alter landscapes, water systems, economies and communities, often permanently (D'Esposito 2005).
Mining's Visual Impacts
The most obvious (and arguably least serious) impact of mining is its visual, or aesthetic, impact. “To conservationists,” wrote Francaviglia (2004, 40), “mining landscapes seem a nightmarish expression of technology run amok.” “Visually, mining produces some of the most dramatic landscapes on earth” (Francaviglia 2004, 42). In developed countries it is common for mining projects to be objected to because they are seen as industrial blight upon the landscape; surface disturbance, dust and vegetation removal all contribute to a general unsightliness of the landscape (Ripley et al. 1978).
Phenomenon under Study: Mining amid Natural Hazards
The last three weeks of November 2004 and first week of December 2004 were a tumultuous time for the Republic of the Philippines. From 14 November until 4 December 2004 the Philippines was visited by four serious weather events: Typhoon Yoyong, Tropical Storm Unding, Tropical Depression Violeta and Tropical Depression Winnie (Yumul et al. 2011). These weather events, and the resulting flash floods and landslides, inflicted havoc on the Philippines killing 1,068 people, injuring 1,163 and causing another 553 to go missing; collectively, these storms caused roughly PHP 7 billion (USD 125 million) worth of damage to crops and infrastructure and also threatened to disrupt the water supply of Metro Manila. When the final damage total was completed the overall damage of these storms was estimated at PHP 11.3 billion (USD 201 million).
On 1 December 2004, while these storms were ravaging the Philippines, the Philippine Supreme Court issued a historic ruling and reversed a decision it had made on 27 January 2004. In its 27 January 2004 ruling, the Supreme Court had invalidated some crucial provisions of the Mining Act of 1995 which allowed foreign corporations to own 100 percent of a mine located in the Philippines. This decision had complicated the efforts of the Philippine government to use large-scale mining as a development strategy.
The Philippines: A Developing Country in Southeast Asia
An introduction to the archipelago
The Republic of the Philippines is an archipelago of approximately 7,100 islands in Southeast Asia (Figure 1.1) located on the western side of the Pacific Ocean between latitude 20 degrees north and latitude 6 degrees south. The archipelago lies east of Vietnam, south of Taiwan and northeast of Borneo and consists of four distinct regions: the northern island of Luzon, the southern island of Mindanao, the long finger-like western island of Palawan and the central Visayan Islands. It has a land area of 300,000 square kilometers with approximately 65 percent of this being taken up by Luzon and Mindanao while only 500 of the 7,100 islands exceed one square kilometer in area (IBON 2002c). Located on the “Pacific Ring of Fire” – a belt of volcanoes running along the Pacific coasts of the Americas and Asia – the islands of the Philippines are mountainous and are frequently described as a series of “half drowned mountains” (IBON 2002c, 8). The majority of the land area of the archipelago consists of land over 350 meters above sea level with fl at land remaining concentrated in river valleys or in small discontinuous strips of coastal plains backed by steep mountains (Newson 1999). Indeed, the topography of the Philippines could be described as an outcrop of mountains emerging from the sea with a small fertile coastal strip and a series of narrow interior valleys (Bankoff 2003a).