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A theoretically based relationship for the Darcy–Weisbach friction factor
for rough-bed open-channel flows is derived and discussed. The derivation procedure is based on the double averaging (in time and space) of the Navier–Stokes equation followed by repeated integration across the flow. The obtained relationship explicitly shows that the friction factor can be split into at least five additive components, due to: (i) viscous stress; (ii) turbulent stress; (iii) dispersive stress (which in turn can be subdivided into two parts, due to bed roughness and secondary currents); (iv) flow unsteadiness and non-uniformity; and (v) spatial heterogeneity of fluid stresses in a bed-parallel plane. These constitutive components account for the roughness geometry effect and highlight the significance of the turbulent and dispersive stresses in the near-bed region where their values are largest. To explore the potential of the proposed relationship, an extensive data set has been assembled by employing specially designed large-eddy simulations and laboratory experiments for a wide range of Reynolds numbers. Flows over self-affine rough boundaries, which are representative of natural and man-made surfaces, are considered. The data analysis focuses on the effects of roughness geometry (i.e. spectral slope in the bed elevation spectra), relative submergence of roughness elements and flow and roughness Reynolds numbers, all of which are found to be substantial. It is revealed that at sufficiently high Reynolds numbers the roughness-induced and secondary-currents-induced dispersive stresses may play significant roles in generating bed friction, complementing the dominant turbulent stress contribution.
Introduction: Insufficient analgesia affects around 50% of emergency department patients. The use of a protocol helps to reduce the risk of oligoanalgesia in this context. Our objective was to describe the feasibility and efficacy of a multimodal analgesia protocol (combining paracetamol, oxycodone, and inhaled low-dose methoxyflurane) initiated by triage nurse. Methods: We performed a prospective, observational study in the emergency department at Grenoble Alpes University Hospital (Grenoble, France) between October 2017 and April 2018. Non severe adult trauma patients with a numerical pain rating scale (NRS) score ≥4 and receiving MEOF were included. The primary efficacy criterion was the proportion of patients with an NRS score ≤3 at 15min post-administration. Pain intensity was measured for 60 min as well as during radiography. Data on adverse events and satisfaction were also recorded. Data are presented as median [interquartile (IQR)] and were compared using non parametric tests. Results: A total of 200 adult patients were included (age: 32 [IQR: 23–49] years; 126 men (63%)). Patients presented at triage with a pain score of 7 [IQR: 6-8]. Sixty-six patients (33%) reported an NRS score ≤3 at 15 min post-administration. The time required to achieve a decrease of at least 2 points in the NRS score was 10 [IQR 5–20] min. The pain intensity was 4 [IQR: 2–5] before radiography and 4 [IQR: 2–6] during radiography. Adverse events were frequent (n = 128, 64%), mainly dizziness. No serious adverse events were reported and 89% of minor adverse events resolved at one hour. Both patients and health care providers reported good levels of satisfaction. Conclusion: The administration of a nurse-driven multimodal analgesia protocol combining paracetamol, oxycodone, and low-dose methoxyflurane was feasible on triage. It rapidly produced long-lasting analgesia in adult trauma patients.
It is known that tungsten oxide may be reacted with selenium sources to form WSe2 but literature reports include processing steps that involve high temperatures, reducing atmospheres, and/or oxidative pre-treatments of tungsten oxide. In this work, we report a non-vacuum process for the fabrication of compositionally high quality WSe2 thin films via the selenization of tungsten oxide under milder conditions. Tungsten source materials were various hydrated WO3 and WO2.9 compounds that were prepared using chemical solution techniques. Resulting films were selenized using a two-stage heating profile (250 °C for 15 minutes and 550 °C for 30 minutes) under a static argon atmosphere. Effects of the starting tungsten oxide phase on WSe2 formation after single and double selenization cycles were investigated using Raman spectroscopy and X-ray diffraction (XRD). After two selenization cycles, hydrated WO3 was converted to (002)-oriented WSe2 that exhibits well-resolved peaks for E12g and A1g phonon modes. Only a single selenization cycle was required to convert amorphous WO2.9 to WSe2. All selenizations in this work were achieved in non-reducing atmospheres and at lower temperatures and shorter times than any non-laser-assisted processes reported for WO3-to-WSe2 conversions.
Self-criticism is a ubiquitous feature of psychopathology and can be
combatted by increasing levels of self-compassion. However, some patients
are resistant to self-compassion.
To investigate whether the effects of self-identification with virtual
bodies within immersive virtual reality could be exploited to increase
self-compassion in patients with depression.
We developed an 8-minute scenario in which 15 patients practised
delivering compassion in one virtual body and then experienced receiving
it from themselves in another virtual body.
In an open trial, three repetitions of this scenario led to significant
reductions in depression severity and self-criticism, as well as to a
significant increase in self-compassion, from baseline to 4-week
follow-up. Four patients showed clinically significant improvement.
The results indicate that interventions using immersive virtual reality
may have considerable clinical potential and that further development of
these methods preparatory to a controlled trial is now warranted.
This study explored the relationships between hope, social inclusion, and mental wellbeing in a sample of people in recovery from mental illness. Participants were 70 adults (60% male) with a psychiatric disability (71.4% schizophrenia) who were engaged in supported employment by an Australian Disability Enterprise. Compared to others diagnosed with a mental disorder, the participants in this study had higher levels of hope, social inclusion, and mental wellbeing, and lower levels of psychological distress. Hope and social inclusion predicted mental wellbeing, with social inclusion partially mediating the relationship between the other two constructs. Participants reported experiencing the psychosocial benefits of work (e.g., structured activity and a shared purpose) but were dissatisfied with their wages. The findings support Jahoda's Latent Deprivation theory of social inclusion and the psychosocial benefits of work participation to recovery from mental illness.
In the late evening of 4 October 1549, five sailors from Hamburg conducting trade in Aberdeen attacked a local man, William Portuis, disturbing the Scottish burgh ‘under silence of the night’. It is not clear what precipitated the attack, but the court records indicate that the sailors violently assaulted Portuis, bound him, taunted him and carried him off to their ship ‘without ony ordour of law or justice’. What's more, the skipper's children stripped Portuis of his sword and bonnet while he was bound and powerless to defend himself. This physical assault combined with the verbal abuse he endured undermined the sense of security Portuis should have felt within the limits of the burgh. As the records make very clear, the attack also posed a direct challenge to the authority of the magistrates whose responsibility it was to insure the safety and welfare of the burgh's inhabitants. Furthermore, the humiliating act committed by the skipper's children underscored the depth of the victim's sense of powerlessness. Although it was likely that Portuis had the means to legally seek restitution for this attack through the burgh court, and that such action would have been welcomed by the magistrates, Portuis chose to act on his own, to right the wrong committed and to regain some of the power that was taken from him.
At the heart of the regulatory processes at work in Aberdeen was the idea, common in both England and Scotland at the time, of protecting the ‘commoun weal’. Paul Slack has argued that for early modern English towns, the common weal ‘was not a programme, still less a manifesto for a party, not even a strategy. Well before the 1540s it was a rhetorical slogan conferring legitimacy on almost any public activity; and it was in origin simply a translation of a commonplace aspiration.’ While dates associated with historical events and trends tend to also have a specific geographical relationship, Slack's identification of concerns for the common weal existing prior to 1540 in England can be extended to include Scotland as well. Roger Mason has shown that during the early modern period the ‘commonweal’ roughly equated to the ‘community’ this in turn can be taken to mean the ‘community of the realm’ and the ‘community of the burgh’. Accounts found in the Aberdeen Council Register indicate that plague, poverty, idle persons, breakers of local statutes and committers of various other offences occupied the daily business of the baillies and the rest of the town council. In performing their civic duties, these officials equated regulating society and maintaining the established social order with protecting the common weal. Even in instances where the court clerk did not expressly use the words ‘commoun weill’ or ‘guid of the toun’ in his accounts, he made it clear that the court perceived such actions as threatening the community.
The orthodox assessment of the pre-modern Scottish burgh is that it was a community ‘organised around a market’. But while there is no questioning that the market played a significant role in the lives of the inhabitants of early modern Scottish burghs, burghs were so much more than centres for the exchange of goods. They were also the social space where individuals lived, worked, played and prayed. As such, these centres of social interaction also witnessed their fair share of conflict. Earlier chapters have shown that local magistrates, keen to promote the ‘social virtue of good neighbourliness’, were determined to maintain the customs (both of the burgh and the realm) and patrol the morals of the burghs’ inhabitants. Thus, in their attempts to protect what contemporaries called the ‘common weal of the burgh’, local magistrates strove to curb wrongdoing, maintain the social structures that enabled burgh society to function, and construct the boundaries that reinforced a sense of place in the minds of the burgh's inhabitants. It was here that the ideals and actualities of sixteenth-century burgh life frequently intersected.
Because the market was such a central part of burgh life, a not inconsiderable portion of the petty crimes committed in Aberdeen were, in some way, connected with property and the exchange of goods. Some of these crimes were perceived as vandalic, physical acts that violated the social space occupied by neighbours within the burgh or actions that threatened the security the burgh was supposed to provide its inhabitants.
Reformation historians frequently argue that the sixteenth century witnessed the introduction of new ideas on how society should be regulated. In particular, Professor Collinson has asserted that a certain type of activism emerged from the reform of the Church that resulted in:
a morally austere and demanding version of Christianity which turned the doctrine of election into a principle of invidious exclusion and stimulated an unrelenting warfare between the elect and the children of perdition, accentuating that mentality of opposites.
A few years earlier Keith Wrightson and David Levine had argued that social regulation in the localities had changed in both degree and scale during the sixteenth century. In their study of the English village of Terling, Wrightson and Levine argued that this change in degree and scale stemmed from the intersection and interconnectedness of ‘democratic growth; commercialization; the socioeconomic polarization of local societies; the growth of poverty; the expansion of popular literacy; the impact of the Protestant reformation.’ In recent years this argument has had its share of detractors. Margaret Spufford challenged the ‘Terling thesis’ by arguing that 'the attempt to enforce ‘godly discipline’ was not new to the sixteenth century. For Spufford, it 'is very necessary to separate puritan beliefs, or the beliefs of the “hotter sort of protestant” and, indeed, any other type of religious belief, from their moral application to everyday life.’
On 24 July 1562 the town magistrates convicted John Chalmer for the ‘iniuring of divers nytbors and inhabitants thereof in deid and sklandering of thaim in word’. The authorities determined that ‘for misbehawne of him self in sic sundry wayis’ Chalmer was to be declared an unlawful neighbour and banished from the town. Although Chalmer denied the charges levelled at him, a sworn assise found that he ‘aucht not to be sufferit to pas at libertie in this town to commit sic misorder and enormities as he daly committis’. While the account does not provide clear details of Chalmers’ crimes, the court clerk does suggest that they included a verbal assault as well as some other deed or deeds that threatened the social fabric of the sixteenth-century burgh. This the clerk makes more clear in the later account that Chalmer was responsible for causing disorder within the community on a daily basis. While ‘injury’ frequently referred to some form of verbal crime, ‘injuring in deed’ suggests the possibility of physical violence. What is clear is that the town magistrates, acting on behalf of the whole community, determined that Chalmer's behaviour, or rather misbehaviour, required immediate remedy and should result in the loss of his freedom. While we cannot with any certainty know whether the authorities actually banished Chalmer from the town, a lifetime of wrongdoing most likely ended with his removal from the community.
The various accounts left behind in the records for the burgh of Aberdeen consistently acknowledge a very pronounced concern both the magistracy and the burgh community had regarding the clear danger criminal activities posed to the burgh's well-being. This underlying concern, rooted in the desire to maintain stability and ‘neighbourliness’ within the community, demonstrates that contemporaries recognized the inherent power of petty crimes, particularly as a means of achieving goals, settling disputes or challenging established dynamics. In this regard, petty crimes were a means of continuing the negotiation of social relations and power dynamics within the burgh. In their keenness to maintain already established social structures, magistrates used their role in punishing wrongdoers to restore those convicted of crimes ‘to the ordor of discipline’ thus diminishing the impact their wrongful actions had on the community. But in doing so the burgh magistrates implicitly acknowledged that petty crimes could reshape the boundaries of belonging by challenging accepted norms, customs and statutes that were in place to help maintain an orderly society. This is most obvious in the fact that the magistrates expected the wider community to play a role in regulating crime, thus enabling a much greater number of the burgh's inhabitants to participate in defining and redefining the social boundaries of the burgh.
By using burgh court records and through an examination of the various crimes committed in Aberdeen, this book has explored the methods used to regulate social relations and political dynamics, power structures and social obligations that defined burgh life in the last half of the sixteenth century.
Based on church and state records from the burgh of Aberdeen, this study explores the deeper social meaning behind petty crime during the Reformation. Falconer argues that an analysis of both criminal behaviour and law enforcement provides a unique view into the workings of an early modern urban Scottish community. Examining the motivation behind these acts of violence reveals power struggles, social and familial hierarchies and the concept of belonging.
An entry in the Council Register for 20 November 1588 states that:
the power, place, dignitie, and authoritie of the counsall of this burgh (as of all uther burrowis of this realme) is and cheiflie dois consist past memorie of man unto this day, in treating, aduysing, and consulting upoun all materis concerning the commoun weill of this burght, making and setting down of lawis, statutis, and ordinances, be the quhilkis the same is estableschit and governit.
The Council's chief motive for (re)asserting their ‘power, place, dignitie [sic], and authoritie’ on this particular day was to put an end to the practice among the burgh inhabitants to ‘gather and convene’ to vote on ‘any mater of weycht and importance’ without the Council's express permission. Although a seemingly banal administrative memorandum, the last portion of the entry hints at an underlying current of political unrest within the burgh's magistracy. The entry states that ‘it sall na vayis be lesum [legally permissible] to the prouest, bailleis, deanis of gild, nor yit cousalour, to gif command to warne and convocat the town to the tolbuith or any uther publict place.…without ane ordinance of the counsall.’ This entry reveals the continuing power struggle among senior officers of the burgh, namely the provost, baillies and deans of guild and the larger, elected council. This episode needs to be considered within the larger context of the tensions between the craftsmen, merchants and magistracy in the burgh in the 1580s.