analyzes globalization-related conflict in the UNGA and the European Parliament. These two ‘strong publics’ feature debates on issues related to the permeability of borders and are directly tied to important centers of decision-making in global governance. The findings show a powerful cosmopolitan presence in both assemblies. The EP also features more communitarian counter voices. An indepth analysis of the partisan nature of debate in the EP and the difference between directly elected Members of the EP and appointed European Commissioners lends strength to the hypothesis that electoral accountability strengthens the presence of communitarian voice in supranational arenas. Direct elections and proportional representation appears to increase the presence of communitarians in global governance. This finding implies that cosmopolitan democrats face a difficult trade-off. They can democratize global governance, but it will likely come at the price of less cosmopolitan policies made in international institutions. Alternatively, they can pursue cosmopolitan policies, but only if they limit the democratic accountability of key global governance institutions.

compares cosmopolitan versus communitarian issue positions by mass publics and elites across our study. We investigate whether there is an attitude gap between elites, who tend to adhere to cosmopolitan positions, and mass publics with more communitarian leanings. Contrasting mass opinion surveys with results from our own elite survey, we show that the mass-elite divide on globalization issues is indeed pervasive and found in all five countries of study. We consider both economic causes in the shape of diverging material interests and cultural ones, the latter pointing towards cultural capital and symbolic boundaries defining transnational cosmopolitan class consciousness. The results align more with the cultural than with the economic explanation. Political elites in the five countries display convergent cosmopolitan positions across issues as varied as international trade, climate change, migration and supranational integration. Mass publics are much more divided on these issues. Also, education alone does not explain the mass-elite gap because the elites are still significantly more cosmopolitan than highly educated members of mass publics, even within the same country.

“Globalization has transformed the inner workings of societies, and produced a new emerging cleavage between cosmopolitans and communitarians, affecting the working of our party system and democracy as a whole. The chapter summarizes the most crucial empirical findings of the book, moving from descriptive to more normative issues and asks: What does the struggle over borders mean for the quality of democracy? What understandings of democracy do the cosmopolitan and communitarian positions draw on? What are their flaws and virtues from a democratic point of view? Our core answer is the following: Both normative positions have become politically more prominent during the last decades of globalization, but both provide answers that exhibit considerable weaknesses when measured against the criteria of democratic quality. Nevertheless, both concepts have more room to forge compromises than the cosmopolitan and communitarian theoreticians themselves often assume. Cosmopolitan communitarianism or communitarian cosmopolitanism appear to represent the most promising compromises to overcome the democratic shortcomings of both pure narratives.”

compares cosmopolitan vs communitarian issue positions of national, European and global elites. It is important to go beyond the national elite focus since the prototypical members of a cosmopolitan elite are thought to be no longer attached to one national context but to have an entire region or even the ‘global village’ as their point of reference. Our empirical analysis supports this expectation: The positions of European-level elites turn out to be even more strongly cosmopolitan than those of national elites, which indicates that a particularly large gap exists between the cosmopolitanism of European elites and the more communitarian orientation of mass publics. Cultural explanations - measured by embeddedness in transnational networks - have the greatest explanatory power. Those elites who have more transnational contacts and travel experience are more cosmopolitan with regard to trade, immigration and supranational integration. However, economic explanations help us to explain within-elite variance in cosmopolitanism. In particular, we find that business and labour union elites diverge strongly in their positions on international trade and supranational integration.

maps issue linkage in the public sphere as key component of cleavage formation. Cleavage coalitions in public debates about globalization are mapped using inductive methods. Multidimensional scaling reveals a powerful globalist coalition in all five countries under study - Germany, Poland, Mexico, Turkey and USA - which links various globalization-related issues in a general call for open borders. It is opposed by a protectionist coalition arguing against free trade, a nationalist coalition arguing against immigration and a neoliberal coalition that only champions free trade. This confirms that globalization-related conflict is two dimensional, with conflict over cultural and economic globalization distinct from each other.