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The Petras-Morley reply to my review is useful in bringing out the basic issues between us. I think they come down to two: one is on the nature of U.S. foreign policy in general, and the other is on the relation of U.S. policy to the 1973 coup in Chile. On the first point, Petras and Morley describe U.S. policy as that of “the imperial state” autonomously formulating a policy that is “largely the product of an integrated body of aggregate interests of the corporate world as a whole,” and in the Allende case involved “the combined and mutually reinforcing efforts” of the multinationals, the U.S. government, and the international banks. I see a variety of interests at work, including those of the corporations, which may and did differ among themselves; U.S. strategic or diplomatic interests, which may or may not coincide with those of the companies; bureaucratic interests within the U.S. government and the international financial institutions; and personal motivations and ideologies, which may make an important difference in the content and purpose of policy (as our limited experience with the Carter administration is already demonstrating). There is now full documentation of the divisions among the companies and within the U.S. government, and of the saliency of personal, ideological, and strategic motives in the decisions of Nixon and Kissinger. Indeed, the very quote from a U.S. government official that the authors cite with reference to ITT: “No country should sacrifice its overall relations or interests or other groups in the country for the sake of one interest group,” makes my point rather than that of Petras and Morley—not as Petras and Morley would have it, the need to subordinate ITT's interest to that of the corporate world as a whole, but the priority of considerations of the national interest over those of the multinationals.
This article examines the trends of democratic transformation in Latin America, focusing on the notion that transitions there occurred despite the absence of the accepted cultural and economic preconditions for democracy. Radical leftist guerrilla movements historically inspired by Castro and the Dependencia politics that infiltrated the continent in the 1950s and 1960s were challenged by rightist military doctrines based on the national duty to protect the country and install order. This ideological polarization served as the ultimate impetus for moderation in policies on the continent. Sigmund is optimistic that the new consensus of conservatives, liberals, Catholics, and Marxists has made prospects for democracy in the region more positive now than at any time in history.
The title, God, Locke, and Equality, as well as its controversial thesis about the necessity of a theological foundation for equality are designed to startle and provoke. Yet those who have kept up with Locke scholarship (not an easy job since there are 5–10 new books on Locke each year, and over 9000 articles have been published about his work) will recognize that in recent years, its topic, the relation of Locke's religious beliefs to his politics, has become an important theme in the interpretation of Locke's political philosophy. This article will attempt to place the book in the context of this literature and evaluate its contribution to the growing number of studies.
In the early years of what John Pocock once called “the Locke industry,” Locke's religious beliefs did not get much attention. The two most influential interpretations of his political thought portrayed him either as a crypto-Hobbesian hedonist, or an apologist for capitalist exploitation, ignoring or explaining away his commitment to Christianity. It is true that John Dunn in his book on Locke's political theory made much (perhaps too much) of Locke's Calvinist upbringing, only to dismiss his political thought as so dominated by a religious worldview that it is irrelevant today.
Radio Havana? Quotations from Chairman Mao? A black liberation group pamphlet? Wrong. These are excerpts from Roman Catholic publications in Latin America. Still regarded by many as one of the bulwarks of the status quo, the Latin-American Church has undergone a startling transformation in the last five years which has moved its official thinking and portions of its elite leadership significantly to the left.
This article argues that there has been a movement in Catholic political thought from a position of doctrinal neutrality concerning forms of government — provided that they promote the common good — to an endorsement of democracy as the morally superior form of government. It traces the various theoretical and practical elements in the Catholic tradition that have favored or opposed liberal democracy, giving particular attention to the ambiguity of medieval theories, the centralizing and authoritarian tendencies in the early modern period, and the intense hostility of the nineteenth-century popes to French and Italian liberalism. After analyzing the emergence of neo-Thomistic theories of democracy in the twentieth century and their influence on Christian Democratic parties in Europe and Latin America, the article concludes that John XXIII's encyclical Pacem in Terris (1963) and the discussion of democracy by the Second Vatican Council in Gaudium et Spes (1965) marked the abandonment of earlier opposition to liberal democracy and a decisive commitment to democracy and human rights.
It is only a little over five decades since Sidney Hook stated, “Catholicism is the oldest and greatest totalitarian movement in history.” Some years after Hook's remark, Paul Blanshard declared, “You cannot find in the entire literature of Catholicism a single unequivocal endorsement by any Pope of democracy as a superior form of government.” Much has happened – both in theory and in practice – to mitigate the suspicion of the inherent authoritarianism of Roman Catholicism on the part of Americans of Protestant, Jewish, and secular backgrounds. Yet there is still a lingering suspicion that there remains what Weber called an “elective affinity” between a hierarchical church organized around a leader not popularly elected and authoritarianism in politics, a basic opposition between Catholicism and liberal democracy. While the stereotyped thinking of a Hook or a Blanshard receives little credence today, it may still be useful to examine the historical and contemporary record on the relation of Catholicism and democracy in order to arrive at a more nuanced view.
This chapter will begin by reviewing that relationship historically, sketching patterns of ecclesial theory and practice in the early church and the medieval period, followed by discussions of the defensive centralization of church governance that took place during and after the Reformation, of the church's reaction to the Enlightenment and to continental liberalism, and of the new tendencies of the last hundred years in the social teachings of the church. Second, the emergence of the Christian Democratic movement will be outlined.
Aquinas's political and legal theory is important for three reasons. First, it reasserts the value of politics by drawing on Aristotle to argue that politics and political life are morally positive activities that are in accordance with the intention of God for man. Second, it combines traditional hierarchical and feudal views of the structure of society and politics with emerging community-oriented and incipiently egalitarian views of the proper ordering of society. Third, it develops an integrated and logically coherent theory of natural law that continues to be an important source of legal, political, and moral norms. These accomplishments have become part of the intellectual patrimony of the West, and have inspired political and legal philosophers and religious and social movements down to the present day.
Nicholas of Cusa, in Latin Nicolaus Cusanus, was born in 1401 at Kues on the banks of the Moselle river between Trier and Koblenz. His father was a moderately well-to-do boatman and vineyard owner who served on juries and lent money to the local nobility. There is no proof that Nicholas studied with the Brothers of the Common Life in Deventer, Holland, as many of his earlier biographers assert, although he was influenced by the devotio moderna that they represented, and a scholarship, the Bursa Cusana, named after him, was established in the seventeenth century at Deventer. Following a year's stay at the University of Heidelberg in 1416, he pursued higher education in canon law at the University of Padua from 1417 until 1423. After receiving a doctorate in canon law (doctor decretorum) he returned to Germany and enrolled at the University of Cologne in early 1425. He seems to have studied philosophy and theology at Cologne and he practiced and probably also taught canon law. (In 1428 he turned down an offer of a professorship in canon law at the University of Louvain.) In 1427 and 1429–30, Cusanus travelled to Rome as the secretary of the Archbishop of Trier and established contacts with the Italian humanists who were interested in his reports of having discovered lost classical manuscripts in German monastic and cathedral libraries.
Some years ago, the late Ewart Lewis observed that it was likely to be a long time before the “average professor of political theory will turn to his well-underlined copy of Nicholas of Cusa's De concordantia catholica with the same facility with which he turned to Aristotle's Politics.” This first complete translation of the Concordantia into English is an effort to make this major work of political and eccelesiological theory available to contemporary scholars. Before its publication the only English translation was a sometimes inaccurate excerpt containing the sections dealing with the theory of consent and Nicholas' proposals for a system of representative councils in the medieval empire. The lack of a definitive Latin text, the length of the work, and the considerable linguistic problems arising from Cusanus' awkward style and defective knowledge of Latin have long deterred scholars from undertaking the formidable task of translation.
The problem of establishing the Latin text has been resolved, thanks to the work of dedicated German scholars. In 1928, Professor Gerhard Kallen agreed to prepare a critical Latin edition under the auspices of the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences. Books I and II were published in 1939 but the publication of Book III was delayed by World War II and it only appeared in 1959.
268. If anyone should care to trace out from the beginning the foundations that are both necessary and useful for our purpose, he should look to the principles on which they are based – those of Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, and all the other philosophers who have written about well-ordered political, economic, and monarchic regimes. Natural laws precede all human considerations and provide the principles for them all. First, nature intends every kind of animal to preserve its physical existence and its life, to avoid what would be harmful and to secure what is necessary to it, as Cicero concludes in the first book, third [fourth] chapter of De officiis. For the first requirement of essence is that it exist. Therefore for any essence to exist, it possesses inborn faculties designed for this purpose – instinct, appetite, and reason. Hence it happens in different ways in nature that various means are implanted by natural instinct for the purpose of existence and self preservation. On this basis Aristotle concludes in the last chapter of the seventh book of the Politics that every art and discipline exists to supply what nature lacks.
269. But from the beginning men have been endowed with reason which distinguishes them from animals. They know because of the exercise of their reason that association and sharing are most useful – indeed necessary for their self-preservation and to achieve the purpose of human existence.