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Adolescence is a time for rapid growth that represents an opportunity to influence peak bone mass. Prebiotic agents, such as galacto-oligosaccharides (GOS), increase Ca absorption in animal models and postmenopausal women. The objectives of the present study were to investigate the dose–response relationship of GOS supplementation on Ca absorption during growth and to assess changes in colonic microbiota to better understand the mechanism by which GOS is acting. A total of thirty-one healthy adolescent girls aged 10–13 years consumed smoothie drinks twice daily with 0, 2·5 or 5 g GOS for three 3-week periods in a random order. Fractional Ca absorption was determined from urinary Ca excretion over 48 h at the end of each 3-week period using a dual stable isotope method. Faecal microbiota and bifidobacteria were assessed by PCR–denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis and quantitative PCR. Fractional Ca absorption after the 48 h treatment with control, 5 and 10 g GOS/d was 0·393 (sd 0·092), 0·444 (sd 0·086) and 0·419 (sd 0·099), respectively. Significant improvements in Ca absorption were seen with both low and high doses of GOS compared with the control (P< 0·02), but it was not a dose–response relationship. The increase in absorption was greatest in the urine collected after 24 h, which is consistent with lower gut absorption. Faecal bifidobacteria increased (control 10·89 (sd 13·86), 5 g GOS 22·80 (sd 15·74) and 10 g GOS 11·54 (sd 14·20)) with the GOS treatment (P< 0·03). The results suggest that daily consumption of 5 g GOS increases Ca absorption, which may be mediated by the gut microbiota, specifically bifidobacteria.
Describe the clinical and molecular epidemiology of incident Clostridium difficile infection (CDI) cases in Chicago area acute healthcare facilities (HCFs).
Design and Setting.
Laboratory, clinical, and epidemiologic information was collected for patients with incident CDI who were admitted to acute HCFs in February 2009. Stool cultures and restriction endonuclease analysis typing of the recovered C. difficile isolates was performed.
Two hundred sixty-three patients from 25 acute HCFs.
Acute HCF rates ranged from 2 to 7 patients with CDI per 10,000 patient-days. The crude mortality rate was 8%, with 20 deaths occurring in patients with CDI. Forty-two (16%) patients had complications from CDI, including 4 patients who required partial, subtotal, or total colectomy, 3 of whom died. C. difficile was isolated and typed from 129 of 178 available stool specimens. The BI strain was identified in 79 (61%) isolates. Of patients discharged to long-term care who had their isolate typed, 36 (67%) had BI-associated CDI.
Severe disease was common and crude mortality was substantial among patients with CDI in Chicago area acute HCFs in February 2009. The outbreak-associated BI strain was the predominant endemic strain identified, accounting for nearly two-thirds of cases. Focal HCF outbreaks were not reported, despite the presence of the BI strain. Transfer of patients between acute and long-term HCFs may have contributed to the high incidence of BI cases in this investigation.
We report an outbreak associated with a dinner cruise on Lake Michigan. This took place on the same day as heavy rainfall, which resulted in 42·4 billion liters of rainwater and storm runoff containing highly diluted sewage being released into the lake. Of 72 cruise participants, 41 (57%) reported gastroenteritis. Stool specimens were positive for Shigella sonnei (n=3), Giardia (n=3), and Cryptosporidium (n=2). Ice consumption was associated with illness (risk ratio 2·2, P=0·011). S. sonnei was isolated from a swab obtained from the one of the boat's ice bins. Environmental inspection revealed conditions and equipment that could have contributed to lake water contaminating the hose used to load potable water onto the boat. Knowledge of water holding and distribution systems on boats, and of potential risks associated with flooding and the release of diluted sewage into large bodies of water, is crucial for public health guidance regarding recreational cruises.
In 2010, Business Ethics Quarterly published ten articles that considered the potential contributions to business ethics research arising from recent scholarship in a variety of philosophical and social scientific fields (strategic management, political philosophy, restorative justice, international business, legal studies, ethical theory, ethical leadership studies, organization theory, marketing, and corporate governance and finance). Here we offer short responses to those articles by members of Business Ethics Quarterly’s editorial board and editorial team.
We report the discovery in the Greenland ice sheet of a discrete layer of free nanodiamonds (NDs) in very high abundances, implying most likely either an unprecedented influx of extraterrestrial (ET) material or a cosmic impact event that occurred after the last glacial episode. From that layer, we extracted n-diamonds and hexagonal diamonds (lonsdaleite), an accepted ET impact indicator, at abundances of up to about 5×106 times background levels in adjacent younger and older ice. The NDs in the concentrated layer are rounded, suggesting they most likely formed during a cosmic impact through some process similar to carbon-vapor deposition or high-explosive detonation. This morphology has not been reported previously in cosmic material, but has been observed in terrestrial impact material. This is the first highly enriched, discrete layer of NDs observed in glacial ice anywhere, and its presence indicates that ice caps are important archives of ET events of varying magnitudes. Using a preliminary ice chronology based on oxygen isotopes and dust stratigraphy, the ND-rich layer appears to be coeval with ND abundance peaks reported at numerous North American sites in a sedimentary layer, the Younger Dryas boundary layer (YDB), dating to 12.9 ± 0.1 ka. However, more investigation is needed to confirm this association.
We have studied the emission from LEDs based on GaInNAs Quantum Wells (QWs) and InAs Quantum Dots (QDs) as a function of temperature and current. It is found that the carrier loss in GaInNAs QWs is dominated by non-radiative monomolecular and Auger processes resulting in an external quantum efficiency of only 0.08 % at 10 °C and 1000 A cm-2. In contrast, the InAs QDs have a higher external quantum efficiency, peaking at 0.8 % at 10 °C and 5 A cm-2, but this value rapidly decreases as the excited states of the QDs are filled and Auger-like processes become dominant. These results highlight the issues that must be addressed if these materials are to find commercial application: namely, the areal density of QDs must be increased and the material quality of the GaInNAs QWs must be improved.
Pulmonary surfactant is secreted by alveolar type II cells and reduces the surface tension at the air-liquid interface of alveoli. After pulmonary surfactant is secreted into the alveolar space, it transforms into tubular myelin, a highly ordered 3-dimensional lattice-like structure. Pulmonary surfactant protein C (SP-C), one of four pulmonary surfactant associated proteins, is synthesized as a proprotein which is processed to biologically active 35 amino acid mature peptide by proteolytic cleavage of N- and C-terminal peptides from the SP-C propeptide (Weaver, 1998). Processing of SP-C is linked to the expression of pulmonary surfactant protein B (SP-B): In SP-B deficient mice, SP-C is misprocessed and present in the bronchoalveolar lavage (BAL; Vorbroker et. al., 1995a). Although the intracellular localization of SP-C is well established (Vorbroker et. al., 1995b), there is no ultrastructure study available regarding the localization of misprocessed SP-C in the airway. In this study, we used transgenic mice expressing a truncated human SP-B propeptide (hSP-BΔC+/+) bred into the murine granulocyte macrophage colony stimulating factor (GMCSF) and SP-B double knockout background (hSP-BΔC+/+: GMCSF-/-: mSP-B-/-) as a model to localize the misprocessed SP-C by cryoimmunogold labeling.
‘Epaphroditus’ (= ‘lovely’, ‘charming’) is perhaps the commonest of Roman slave names apart from ‘Felix’, which it sometimes renders as a Greek equivalent. It is also used very extensively under the early empire by those with tria nomina, whether freedmen or freeborn, whether descendants of freedmen or not, whether citizens or Junian Latins. It is also found among decurions and even equestrians, but not senators. It thus has a non-elite resonance in the western half of the empire, but, like almost all personal cognomina, not exclusively so.
The Co/Cu(100) system is the first system known where the contributions to the spin polarisation of spin-orbit coupling and the ferromagnetic overlayer were clearly distinguished experimentally. In order to get a first understanding of the photoemission data non-relativistic spin-polarized photoemission calculations are performed for one and two overlayers of Co on Cu(100).
Was there a slave-freedman ‘cursus’ or career structure in the Imperial administration? And if so, on what criteria was advancement within it based? Did promotion depend on seniority or merit or both together? How impersonal and rational was the regulation of the system, i.e. what degree of bureaucratization was reached, or, on the other hand, what was the extent of patronage inside the slave-freedman service? These are all important and difficult, even impossible, questions for the student of the Roman Imperial administration.
For the history of the Roman administration in the early Imperial period we would seem to be well placed. There is an abundance of data on officials at all levels, their functions, careers, families, status and power – and from sources of every kind, literary, epigraphic, juridical, papyrological and archaeological. We know of hundreds, even thousands of such officials. The time would therefore seem ripe for not only a comprehensive descriptive account of the Imperial administration but also for a structural analysis of the system itself, the relationship to one another of the main institutional elements that constituted it: the emperor, the senatorial and equestrian hierarchy, the Imperial freedman and slave officials, and the interaction of all these with administration at municipal level. But a prime requirement for such an account and analysis is the assurance that we can organize the data and place the officials in the right chronological order. A reliable chronology is essential if we are to trace institutional change in the medium and short term. In this regard the Imperial freedman and slave officials are of major importance. In training and experience they make up the professional ‘civil service’ of the early empire – as contrasted with the relatively ‘amateur’ administrative role played by senatorial legati and equestrian procuratores, whose more spasmodic careers were more susceptible to influences of patronage. But it is precisely in the careers of the Imperial freedmen and slaves that chronological problems are most acute and caution most necessary, partly because of the numbers involved and partly in the interpretation of nomenclature.
The starting point for the second regular sequence – the clerical posts – is the grade of adiutor. ‘Adiutor’ is basically a generic term meaning ‘assistant’, and is used for a wide variety of posts in the civil and military administration. It is always further defined, sometimes by a noun in the genitive (e.g. tabulariorum, praefecti, principis, procuratoris, etc.), sometimes by the name of an administrative or domestic office (e.g. a rationibus, a cognitionibus, ab admissione, a vinis, a lagona, etc.). The problem is to sort these out according to rank in the administrative hierarchy. But before we can make any progress we must examine critically the seniority and regular status of the adiutores procuratoris because of their disturbing effect on the status of the rest.
The examples are as follows:
(1) VI 8470 = d 1535; cf. 143 = d 3896 a: Carpus Aug. lib. Pallantianus, adiutor Claudi Athenodori praef(ecti) annonae. (Nero.)
(2) III 431 = 7116 = 13674 = d 1449 (Ephesus): Hermes Aug. lib., adiut(or) eius (sc. [Valerii Eudaemonis]…proc. heredit(atium) et proc. pro[vin]ciae Asiae, proc. Syriae). (Pflaum, CP No. 110, pp. 264–71; late Hadrian.)
(3) CIG 11 1813b = LBW 11 1076 = d 8849 (Nicopolis, Epirus): Μνησὴρ Σεβαστοῦ ἀπελ[εύθε]ρος, βοηθὸς αὐτοῦ (sc. A. Ofellii Maioris Macedonis, proc. prov. Epiri, proc. prov. Ponti et Bithyniae, a voluptatibus). (Pflaum, CP No. 112, pp. 272–4; Hadrian.)
In Roman society of all periods the nuclear family constituted the basic social unit whether in freeborn, freed or slave society, whether the members were citizen or non-citizen. We are not here concerned with familia in the sense of household or that slave–freedman unit under the control of the paterfamilias. It is evident that in the exercise of his potestas the dominus had originally a complete authority over his own slave household that could have profound effects on the intimate family life of his own slaves and freedmen. He could break up these units by selling children to other masters, forbid marriages with slaves of other masters, and in general act out his absolute legal powers to the point of inflicting the death penalty. But there came increasing legal restraints on arbitrary conduct by masters, and also an increasing obligation on the part of the master, in his own economic self-interest, to conform to the domestic law of his own familia. This meant the recognition of his slave's right to his peculium or savings, with the primary purpose of buying his manumission, and no doubt the recognition of the existence of family ties as well among his slave family units, including their marriages and children. The fact that so many slaves themselves were owners of slaves would help to give a humanitarian balance to the way the system worked. These aspects as they concern the Familia Caesaris have been discussed in the Introduction.
The next question to consider is the age at marriage of the slaves and freedmen of the Familia, and whether this occurred in general before or after manumission. It is important also to compare, if possible, the age of female slaves at marriage with that of male slaves and to estimate, if the evidence permits, the average differential in age between slave-born husband and wife.
In the strict sense of iustum matrimonium between partners with conubium, which alone was recognised as legally valid in Roman law with all the legal consequences (e.g. law of succession) that were involved therein, it is not possible to speak of slave marriage at all, but only of contubernium or concubinage. This applied when one or both parties were of slave status. But the terminology of legal marriage (e.g. ‘uxor’, ‘maritus’, ‘coniunx’, etc.) is so constantly used of contubernium in the inscriptions and even in the legal texts themselves that it is convenient to speak normally of slave marriage and to use such terms as ‘contubernium’ and ‘matrimonium’ only when the distinction is relevant to the argument.
The direct evidence for age at marriage in the Familia Caesaris is small and is derived from inscriptions mentioning both the age at death of one of the partners and the number of years of married life they enjoyed. The difference between the two figures represents the age at marriage.
Two kinds of dated inscriptions are important for the Familia Caesaris: (a) those that can be dated to within a particular year; (b) those that can be dated to within a particular reign. The value of both kinds is that they provide fixed points of reference for the use of particular formulae in nomenclature. They help to establish the chronological range of usages which in suitable circumstances, either individually or in combination, can then become secondary dating criteria. This applies to the nomen gentilicium, status indication, agnomina, occupational titles and abbreviations.
(a) Precise dating of the inscriptions to within a particular year is comparatively rare for the Familia Caesaris. The commonest form is by the names of consuls, less frequently by the tribunician year of the emperor. But these inscriptions are usually official or quasi-official, including fasti of various kinds, municipal honours, records of collegia especially burial colleges, quarry-marks, brick-stamps and even a military diploma. There are also administrative and private records, including a group of papyrus documents from Egypt in the reign of Augustus. In a few cases the emperor's regnal year in Egypt provides a date. Less than half of these dated inscriptions are private dedications, of which many are those of the form ‘pro salute imp(p).’ in vogue after 161. These do not often contain details of family interest. The other key group, the sepulcrales, is the smallest – only seventeen are precisely dated for both freedmen and slaves.
From the middle of the first century ad the cognomen had replaced the praenomen as the personal name for both freedmen and freeborn. This was true even in the equestrian and senatorial classes, as the nomenclature of Vespasian's family illustrates. This change occurred much earlier with the freedmen, who retained their slave name as their personal name or cognomen.
The social significance of cognomina, particularly those of Greek derivation, as has been mentioned above, is a matter of controversy. The high proportion of Greek-derived cognomina in the sepulchral inscriptions of Rome and elsewhere in the empire, together with the inter-generational change in the relative proportions of Greek and Latin cognomina, has led to the conclusion that a Greek cognomen is likely to indicate slave origin or freedman descent within two or three generations. The general weaknesses of this conclusion have been discussed above. But the high proportion of Greek personal names in the Familia Caesaris does nothing to disprove it.
Besides the controversy over whether some cognomina can be specified as servile in origin, there is the corresponding question whether some cognomina can be considered to have a distinctively freeborn or even upper-class connotation – the so-called ‘cognomina ingenua’ and ‘cognomina equestria’. The Familia Caesaris might be thought to have an illustrative role here, especially with those rare freedman members who were elevated to equestrian status. The test case is the cognomen ‘Marcianus’ taken by the freedman Icelus on his gaining equestrian rank under Galba.
In the foregoing discussion on dating certain assumptions have been made about the membership of the Familia Caesaris which must now be examined. How can we identify Imperial freedmen and slaves and what limits are to be set to the range of persons included in this study? This is of basic importance, not least because of the frequently made assumption that many persons, especially in the eastern provinces, who possess Imperial nomina are by that fact alone Imperial freedmen, particularly if their place of residence or their occupation can be in any way connected with the emperor or the emperor's property. In some cases this is undoubtedly true, but in most cases we cannot be sure. They may be enfranchised provincials or not even Roman citizens at all. If in Rome all persons with an Imperial nomen and a Greekderived cognomen were Imperial freedmen, there would scarcely be standing room for anyone else in the Flavian amphitheatre. Some more positive means of identification is required. This is provided by what may conveniently be called the ‘status indication’.
In Roman nomenclature generally status is commonly indicated for ingenui by filiation – the word ‘f(ilius)’ or ‘f(ilia)’ preceded by the father's praenomen which is usually abbreviated. This filiation is included in the full nomenclature after the nomen and before the tribal indication and cognomen, e.g. M. Tullius M. f. Cicero. This filiation indicates his freeborn status.
What were the posts which gave access to the promotion scale, and how were they recruited? In the first place one can rule out the sub-clerical workers – the non-clerical, non-financial, non-professional; for example, the pedisequi, custodes, nomenclatores, tabellarii, and most of the often-quoted specialists who served on the purely domestic staff of the Palace. A gap, or occupational discontinuity, opened between the sub-clerical and the clerical staff of the administration and it was rare indeed for anyone to jump it.
The age figures suggest this. Typical are those for the pedisequi (attendants), a dozen of whom died at ages evenly spread from 20 to 70. They are all slaves, and the high proportion – more than half – who were aged over 40 indicates an occupation unskilled and unremunerative, without prospects but perhaps not excessively strenuous, and congenial to the unambitious. One exception to the rule is instructive. A certain Eutychus, as a slave, was pedisequus a vinis – sub-clerical. He is found later as T. Aelius Aug. lib. Eutychus, still in the same department, as adiutor a vinis. That is to say, after some years as attendant in the department of the Imperial wine supply, in his thirties probably, and after manumission, he rose to the bottom rung on the clerical ladder, a grade usually occupied at the beginning of their careers while still slaves by those fortunate enough to be professional civil servants all their lives from their initial appointment in their late teens.