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In vivo positron emission tomography (PET) using [C11]-labeled Pittsburgh Compound B ([C11]PiB) has previously been shown to detect amyloid-β (Aβ) in late-onset Alzheimer disease (LOAD) brain; however, the sensitivity of this technique for detecting β-amyloidosis in autosomal dominant Alzheimer disease (ADAD) has not been systematically investigated. To validate [C11]PiB PET as a useful biomarker of β-amyloidosis, we measured the cortical and regional standardized uptake value ratios (SUVRs) in 16 ADAD and 15 LOAD cases and compared them with histopathologic measures of β-amyloidosis in postmortem brain. The PiB-PET data were obtained between 40–70 min after bolus injection of ∼15 mCi of [11C]PiB. MRI and PiB-PET images were co-registered and SUVRs were generated for several brain regions. Using Aβ immunohistochemistry (10D5, Eli Lilly), the burden of Aβ plaques was quantified in 16 regions of interest using an area fraction fractionator probe (Stereo Investigator, MicroBrightfield, VT). There were regional variations in Aβ plaque burden with highest densities observed in the neocortical areas and the striatum. On spearman correlations, in vivo PiB-PET correlated with postmortem Aβ plaque burden in both LOAD and ADAD, with strongest correlations seen in neocortical areas. In summary, [C11]PiB-PET has utility as a biomarker in both ADAD and LOAD.
This presentation will enable the learner to:
1.Discuss how PET-PiB beta-amyloid imaging is used as a potential biomarker of Alzheimer disease (AD)
2.Correlate postmortem neuropathologic evidence of beta-amyloidosis with PET-PiB data, and learn that PET-PiB is a potentially useful tool to detect beta-amyloidosis in presymptomatic and symptomatic individuals
We describe the performance of the Boolardy Engineering Test Array, the prototype for the Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder telescope. Boolardy Engineering Test Array is the first aperture synthesis radio telescope to use phased array feed technology, giving it the ability to electronically form up to nine dual-polarisation beams. We report the methods developed for forming and measuring the beams, and the adaptations that have been made to the traditional calibration and imaging procedures in order to allow BETA to function as a multi-beam aperture synthesis telescope. We describe the commissioning of the instrument and present details of Boolardy Engineering Test Array’s performance: sensitivity, beam characteristics, polarimetric properties, and image quality. We summarise the astronomical science that it has produced and draw lessons from operating Boolardy Engineering Test Array that will be relevant to the commissioning and operation of the final Australian Square Kilometre Array Path telescope.
In late 2011 the New Zealand Ministry for Primary Industries reported an increase in confirmed laboratory diagnoses of salmonellosis in dairy herds. To identify risk factors for herd-level outbreaks of salmonellosis we conducted a case-control study of New Zealand dairy herds in 2011–2012. In a multivariable analysis, use of continuous feed troughs [adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 6·2, 95% confidence interval (CI) 2·0–20], use of pelletized magnesium supplements (aOR 10, 95% CI 3·3–33) and use of palm kernel meal as a supplementary feed (aOR 8·7, 95% CI 2·5–30) were positively associated with a herd-level outbreak of salmonellosis between 1 July 2011 and 31 January 2012. We conclude that supplementary feeds used on dairy farms (regardless of type) need to be stored and handled appropriately to reduce the likelihood of bacterial contamination, particularly from birds and rodents. Magnesium supplementation in the pelletized form played a role in triggering outbreaks of acute salmonellosis in New Zealand dairy herds in 2011–2012.
Having measured market development and understood what drives it, we are now in a position to formally test whether markets are responsible for the rich and sophisticated economy we inhabit today. Using the estimates of market development arrived at in previous chapters, including price gaps, price volatility and speeds of market adjustment, this chapter formally investigates whether economic performance at the country and city level in the period of Europe's rise between 1400 and 1900 can be explained by improving markets. Given the scarcity of historical estimates of income and growth, a range of measures of economic development are considered, including urbanization, real wages, agricultural productivity and population. The results suggest that markets were far from enough to enable sustained economic growth and that the improvements in markets taking place in the eighteenth and nineteenth century were a consequence as opposed to cause of growth. The chapter goes on to explore other factors that have been suggested by the literature, including institutions, the Enlightenment, factor prices and trade. We find that the development of the state, the Enlightenment and factor prices – instead of markets – were the key factors explaining the start of sustained economic growth in history.
The Relationship between Markets, Income and Growth in Europe: 1400–1850
As is strikingly shown by Maddison's historical estimates of GDP p.c., displayed in Figure 6.1, sustained economic growth is a relatively recent phenomenon.
Few of us are good at everything. When it comes to meeting the basic needs of life, it is difficult to imagine how we could do it alone. Countries are no different. However, when markets are poorly developed and the cost of exchanging goods is high, individual countries and regions produce everything they require for their own subsistence – exporting and importing goods is simply too costly. Only high value goods tend to be traded over long distances, and these represent only a small proportion of consumers' baskets. As transport costs (or more generally, the costs of making transactions) fall, it becomes feasible and profitable for different countries to trade with each other. A country producing a particular good relatively cheaply will find that it receives orders from far-flung places. Indeed, merchants will have an incentive to buy the good in the cheaper location and ship it to the more expensive location, induced by making a profit on the difference in price between the two. As a result, each country starts to export the good for which it is most suited – which it can produce locally relatively cheaply – and in return imports products that are relatively more cheaply produced elsewhere. Resources are pulled out of the sectors for which goods can now be more cheaply imported and towards the export sectors of the economy. The economy's structure of production changes and it becomes increasingly specialized; the volume of trade rises as a consequence.
For much of history, the standard of living was poor and subject to little improvement. For many, life was ‘poor, nasty, brutish, and short’, and people could not look forward to a better life for their children and grandchildren. Today, we expect our incomes to rise year on year, and hope that our children will experience a life of which their great-grandparents could only have dreamed. The economic growth that has enabled this to occur began with the onset of the British Industrial Revolution in the late eighteenth century. It completely transformed the economy and the way in which we lived our lives, ushering in the near-continuous economic growth that we now take for granted.
One of the most important questions that economic historians seek to answer, is how to explain this take-off to modern economic growth: How did we go from a situation in which for centuries the average level of economic growth was close to zero, to a new era from the early nineteenth century onwards in which incomes rose year on year? And, related to this, why was Europe the first region to see this process of ‘modern economic growth’? As one notable economist famously said, ‘once one starts to think about [this question] … it is hard to think of anything else’. That sustained long-run economic growth can lift large parts of a population out of poverty means that the benefits to understanding its causes are very great indeed.
Why were English, Belgian and Dutch markets well developed early on? Why did Belgian markets subsequently disintegrate? At the same time, why did French and Italian markets improve? In an effort to answer such questions, this chapter seeks to uncover the factors affecting markets in early modern Europe. The first section considers the elements which are commonly thought to affect markets through their impact on the costs of exchange, including geography, population density and institutions. It uses the set of market estimates from the previous chapters to calculate the size and strength of the impact of each factor in turn. Using the findings, the next section goes on to explain the differences in the level of market development between the countries of early modern Europe. The chapter concludes by suggesting that market development should be thought of as a virtuous circle. Many of the factors that are commonly treated as drivers of market development are in part a result of market development, providing a positive feedback process that can help us understand how markets develop to sophisticated heights in some places but not others.
The Determinants of Market Development
When trade is costly, individuals have little incentive to use the market. They will instead obtain the means of subsistence by producing for themselves the food to feed their bellies, the shelter in which to keep safe and the clothes in which to keep warm.
Were market foundations significantly stronger in Europe on the eve of the Industrial Revolution than ever before? Until recently, the answer was a definitive yes. However, evidence of the existence of markets from as far back as ancient times now forces us to think more carefully about this question. Clearly, the very existence of markets does not rule out the possibility that they achieved a higher level of development in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but we can no longer afford to assume that the greatest strides were taken in this period on the run up to the Industrial Revolution, as opposed to earlier and later. In order to provide a picture of the evolution of markets across the long run of history, this chapter looks to the formal measurement of market development in Europe across the long span of history, thereby allowing us to see the early modern period in much greater perspective.
The chapter begins by considering the new and exciting literature which has attempted to measure the extent of market development between Ancient times and the end of the medieval age, in an effort to gauge the extent of improvement early on in history. Using the market estimates which formed the basis of the previous two chapters, this chapter then goes on to measure the overall extent of market improvement between the close of the medieval era and the nineteenth century.
As we have seen, markets are central to the explanations that have been put forward for the sustained economic growth that began with the British Industrial Revolution and continues to the present day. Having great influence over the formation of this market-led view is a particular vision of life in Europe before the Industrial Revolution. The economy is seen as backward commercially and, as a consequence, technologically, leaving little room for growth. Whilst in the modern world people come into contact with the market every day of their lives – through the goods they buy, the daily work they undertake for businesses and the banks that look after their money – people of the past are often seen as having had minimal contact with goods, labour and financial markets. We might not quite all have been living as hermits in wooden huts, subsisting on our own patch of land, but something not far from this is probably a fair depiction of what many people have in mind. This all supposedly changed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, preparing the way for the Industrial Revolution. It is on this understanding of the past that the poor economies of today are told that liberalizing markets will result in them catching up with the rich west. By taking a chronological journey through history from Roman times towards the present day, this chapter questions the historical understanding on which this advice is given.
This is the first study to analyze a wide spread of price data to determine whether market development led to economic growth in the early modern period. Bateman compares agricultural data with less abundant information on cloth, candles and olive oil from numerous European cities. Using a range of economic measures applied to a larger set of goods, she shows that market development occurred earlier than was previously believed.
For much of human existence, life has involved a constant daily battle to find the means for subsistence. Not so long ago, every day consisted of constant short-term worries: Where was the next meal coming from? Would the roof withstand the winter rains? Would your children survive the latest onset of illness? By acting alone, it is difficult to mitigate the risks and achieve anything other than bare bones subsistence. Few of us have the skills or abilities required to be great hunters, builders, soldiers and doctors all in one. It is for this reason that Adam Smith argued that markets would naturally arise. Individuals will barter with each other as a means to get access to the goods and services that they find difficult to produce for themselves. Over time, money replaces payment in kind, and a full-scale market economy develops.
However, markets are not the only arrangement that societies have practiced; cooperation, gift exchange and coercion have all existed in the course of European history in one form or another. Acting cooperatively involves working together and dividing tasks between one another to build shelter, grow food, hunt and provide defence. In European history this includes aspects of the open-field village system and, in theory at least, the Soviet Union under communism. Of course, getting people to act for the common good is not always easy, particularly if the size of the population in question makes monitoring difficult.
‘According to the best authenticated history’, writes Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations, the parts of the world that first developed ‘were those that dwelt round the coast of the Mediterranean Sea’. From ancient times to the middle of the second millennium, the Mediterranean was the wealthiest part of Europe and, from religions to the Renaissance, gave birth to major historical movements. During the early modern period, however, economic leadership shifted decisively away from the region and towards north-western Europe. Hobsbawm writes that the Mediterranean became an ‘impoverished backwater’ and that Venice became little more than a tourist centre on the European map. Italy and Spain were in decline, and the Netherlands and England were on the rise. Whilst in the former the level of urbanization and agricultural productivity stagnated and real wages fell, in north-western Europe agricultural productivity was transformed, real wages held their ground and the level of English urbanization rose spectacularly from 7 per cent to 29 per cent of the population. By the late eighteenth century, the British Industrial Revolution was well underway, and the rest, as they say, is history.
As we have seen, increasing trade and market integration are commonly held responsible for the rise of the north-west and, as such, markets in the region have been the subject of intense investigation.