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Investments have been made to alter the food environment of neighbourhoods that have a disproportionate number of unhealthy food venues. Corner store conversions are one strategy to increase access to fruits and vegetables (F&V). Although the literature shows modest success, the effectiveness of these interventions remains equivocal. The present paper reports on the evaluation of Proyecto MercadoFRESCO, a corner store conversion intervention in two Latino communities.
A repeated cross-sectional design was employed. Data were stratified by intervention arm and bivariate tests assessed changes over time. Logistic and multiple regression models with intervention arm, time and the interaction of intervention and time were conducted. Supplementary analyses account for clustering of patrons within stores and staggering of store conversions.
Three stores were converted and five stores served as comparisons in East Los Angeles and Boyle Heights, California, USA.
Store patrons were interviewed before (n550) and after (n407) the intervention.
Relative to patrons of comparison stores, patrons of intervention stores demonstrated more favourable perceptions of corner stores and increased purchasing of F&V during that store visit. Changes were not detected in store patronage, percentage of weekly dollars spent on food for F&V or daily consumption of F&V.
Consistent with some extant food environment literature, findings demonstrate limited effects. Investments should be made in multilevel, comprehensive interventions that target a variety retail food outlets rather than focusing on corner stores exclusively. Complementary policies limiting the availability, affordability and marketing of energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods should also be pursued.
Prominent moraines deposited by the Laurentide Ice Sheet in northern New England document readvances, or stillstands, of the ice margin during overall deglaciation. However, until now, the paucity of direct chronologies over much of the region has precluded meaningful assessment of the mechanisms that drove these events, or of the complex relationships between ice-sheet dynamics and climate. As a step towards addressing this problem, we present a cosmogenic 10Be surface-exposure chronology from the Androscoggin moraine complex, located in the White Mountains of western Maine and northern New Hampshire, as well as four recalculated ages from the nearby Littleton–Bethlehem moraine. Seven internally consistent 10Be ages from the Androscoggin terminal moraines indicate that advance culminated ~ 13.2 ± 0.8 ka, in close agreement with the mean age of the neighboring Littleton–Bethlehem complex. Together, these two datasets indicate stabilization or advance of the ice-sheet margin in northern New England, at ~ 14–13 ka, during the Allerød/Greenland Interstadial I.
To examine the association of breakfast consumption with objectively measured and self-reported physical activity, sedentary time and physical fitness.
The HELENA (Healthy Lifestyle in Europe by Nutrition in Adolescence) Cross-Sectional Study. Breakfast consumption was assessed by two non-consecutive 24 h recalls and by a ‘Food Choices and Preferences’ questionnaire. Physical activity, sedentary time and physical fitness components (cardiorespiratory fitness, muscular fitness and speed/agility) were measured and self-reported. Socio-economic status was assessed by questionnaire.
Ten European cities.
Adolescents (n 2148; aged 12·5–17·5 years).
Breakfast consumption was not associated with measured or self-reported physical activity. However, 24 h recall breakfast consumption was related to measured sedentary time in males and females; although results were not confirmed when using other methods to assess breakfast patterns or sedentary time. Breakfast consumption was not related to muscular fitness and speed/agility in males and females. However, male breakfast consumers had higher cardiorespiratory fitness compared with occasional breakfast consumers and breakfast skippers, while no differences were observed in females. Overall, results were consistent using different methods to assess breakfast consumption or cardiorespiratory fitness (all P ≤ 0·005). In addition, both male and female breakfast skippers (assessed by 24 h recall) were less likely to have high measured cardiorespiratory fitness compared with breakfast consumers (OR = 0·33; 95 % CI 0·18, 0·59 and OR = 0·56; 95 %CI 0·32, 0·98, respectively). Results persisted across methods.
Skipping breakfast does not seem to be related to physical activity, sedentary time or muscular fitness and speed/agility as physical fitness components in European adolescents; yet it is associated with both measured and self-reported cardiorespiratory fitness, which extends previous findings.
To describe breakfast habits at food group level in European adolescents and to investigate the associations between these habits and sociodemographic factors.
Secondary schools from nine European cities participating in the HELENA (Healthy Lifestyle in Europe by Nutrition in Adolescence) Study. Breakfast habits were assessed twice using a computer-based 24 h dietary recall. Adolescents who consumed breakfast on at least one recall day were classified as ‘breakfast consumers’ and adolescents who did not have anything for breakfast on either of the two recall days were considered ‘breakfast skippers’. A ‘breakfast quality index’ to describe breakfast quality was created based on the consumption or non-consumption of cereals/cereal products, dairy products and fruits/vegetables. The sociodemographic factors studied were sex, age, region of Europe, maternal and paternal education, family structure and family affluence.
Adolescents (n 2672, 53 % girls) aged 12–17 years.
The majority of the adolescents reported a breakfast that scored poorly on the breakfast quality index. Older adolescents, adolescents from the southern part of Europe and adolescents from families with low socio-economic status were more likely to consume a low-quality breakfast.
The study highlights the need to promote the consumption of a high-quality breakfast among adolescents, particularly in older adolescents, adolescents from southern Europe and adolescents from families with low socio-economic status, in order to improve public health.
Latinos in the New Millennium is a comprehensive profile of Latinos in the United States: looking at their social characteristics, group relations, policy positions and political orientations. The authors draw on information from the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS), the largest and most detailed source of data on Hispanics in America. This book provides essential knowledge about Latinos, contextualizing research data by structuring discussion around many dimensions of Latino political life in the US. The encyclopedic range and depth of the LNS allows the authors to appraise Latinos' group characteristics, attitudes, behaviors and their views on numerous topics. This study displays the complexity of Latinos, from recent immigrants to those whose grandparents were born in the United States.
The attitudes that people hold with regard to gender roles often have a significant influence on their life experiences, including most aspects of marital and family relationships. They can help continue or can help bring to an end gender-differentiated opportunities and accomplishments in education, employment, and politics. This chapter explores what the LNS respondents regard as proper gender roles, as well as their gender-related attitudes.
Gender roles are sometimes viewed as the division of labor by gender, but feminist scholars argue that this is a simplistic approach that ignores the power relationships that exist between men and women (DeBiaggi 2002; Ridgeway and Correll 2004; McCabe 2005). We use DeBiaggi's (2002, 39) definition of gender roles as “an individual's endorsement of personal characteristics, occupations and behaviors considered appropriate for women and men in a particular culture.” Attitudes toward gender roles range from very traditional ideas to extremely egalitarian views.
Latinos have long identified the education of their children as one of the most important policy challenges confronting their communities. Improving the educational attainment of Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants was a primary goal of the League of United Latin American Citizens when it was established in 1929. This organization argued that communities needed to value formal education as a necessary resource to limit discrimination and promote their civil rights (Marquez 1993). Latino leaders and organizations were at the forefront of challenging the de jure segregation of Mexican and Mexican American children in California and Texas in the 1930s and 1940s that led to the dismantling of so-called Mexican schools in much of the southwestern United States (San Miguel 1987). More recently, Latinos challenged the de facto segregation of their children in the Southwest by filing lawsuits such as Cisneros v. Corpus Christi Independent School District (1970) and Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado (1973). The federal court decisions that followed determined that Mexican American and Mexican schoolchildren had histories of enrollment segregation that contributed to limited educational opportunities and low educational attainment more similar to the experiences of African Americans than to those of Caucasians.
It should not be surprising, therefore, that education ranks highly in recent polls that ask Latinos to list the policy issues of greatest concern to their communities. A survey conducted in 2004 found that when Latino respondents were asked, “What do you think is the most important issue to you and your family today – education, jobs and the economy, health care, terrorism, or immigration?” approximately 26 percent listed education as the most important issue. It was listed second only to jobs and the economy (Bendixen and Associates 2004). Also in 2004, a Pew Hispanic Center survey of Latino registered voters education was listed by 54 percent of respondents as the issue that was most likely to determine whom they would support for president. Results from our 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) reveal that when respondents were asked, “What is the most important problem facing the Latino community today?” education ranked third at 9 percent, behind immigration at 30 percent and unemployment and jobs at 12 percent.
Introduction: The Changing Demographics of the Latino Community
Over the past twenty years there have been significant changes in the demographics of the Latino population in the United States. These have occurred in five areas. First, and most important, the Latino population is now much larger than previously, and it represents a larger share of the national population. The Latino population grew 58 percent between 1990 and 2000 and increased 43 percent between 2000 and 2010. The 2000 census revealed that Latinos were 12.5 percent of the U.S. population, surpassing African Americans as the largest minority group (who accounted for only 12 percent). The most recent data from the 2010 census indicate that the Latino population has grown to 16.3 percent of the U.S. population, and that trend is expected to continue for decades to come. Indeed, the Pew Research Center projects that Latinos will make up about 30 percent of the U.S. population by 2050 (Passel and Cohn 2008).
Second, we are continuing to see both immigration and native births driving Latino population growth. Immigration has increased in part as a result of expanding employment opportunities, as well as new immigration policies. The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), for instance, regularized the immigration status of a significant number of people, many of whom were then able to sponsor additional family members to enter the country. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996 had the unintended effect of encouraging undocumented migrants to remain in the country rather than risk apprehension by traveling between a home country and the United States (U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform 1997). The largest source of Latino population growth is not immigration, however, but native births. For example, from 2000 to 2006, the Latino population grew by 10.2 million, 58.6 percent of which was due to native births (Nasser 2008).
Over the past decade political scientists and sociologists have come to see the importance of people coming together for social or civic reasons. Whether through bridge clubs, food pantries, or political organizations, Americans benefit both individually and as a society when people leave their homes and become involved with others. This coming together, or civic engagement, also helps people develop civic skills that can carry over into other social arenas, including the electoral and political realms, such as voting, political party affiliation, interest groups, social movements, contacting, and others. Greater civic involvement has also been found to heighten interpersonal trust and sense of efficacy, and to give people the sense that they can have an impact on social issues affecting them as well as more generally to improve their attitudes toward the social and political realms, including government.
The term civic engagement has two key ideas associated with it: civic association and social capital. Social capital refers to “connections among individuals in social networks,” and such social contacts, or “connectedness,” affect the well-being and “productivity of individuals and groups” (Putnam 2000, 19). Although the phenomena of social capital and civic engagement are associated in that they seem to go together with trust, reciprocity, and the like, the direction of causation (i.e., which leads to which) is not clear (see, e.g., Hero 2007). Some of the ways social capital contributes to democratic processes include the following:
“Associations and less formal networks of civic engagement instill in their members habits of cooperation and public-spiritedness, as well as the practical skills necessary to partake in public life” (Putnam 2000, 338; see also Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995).
“Political information flows through social networks, and in these networks public life is discussed” (Knack 2002, 774).
“Externally, voluntary associations…allow individuals to express their interests and demands on government and to protect themselves from abuses of power from political leaders.” That is, extensive and nurturing social connections through civic association facilitate norms of reciprocity and social trust that deeply enrich a group and the larger society, thus leading to a host of salutary effects (Putnam 2000, 19).
Voting in a meaningful election is the defining act of democratic citizenship. Voting is a unique form of political participation in that it is widely engaged in, generally of low cost, and enjoys widespread support as a behavioral norm. Although there are many other forms of political action – ranging from simple conversations to revolutionary violence, and more generally including contacting elected officials, joining civic groups, attending a meeting or donating money – none is as frequently engaged in as registration and voting.
Despite the centrality of the vote to democratic citizenship, voting has often not been an easy undertaking for Latinos. For Latino citizens, voting often involved overcoming vote suppression tactics; low levels of political information; resource disadvantages, including poor education and low income; and in many instances, language barriers that foreclosed participation and that jurisdictions were not motivated to redress. On top of those obstacles to voting, once a Latino voter gained access to the ballot box, there were often poor choices of candidates and few or none from the community itself. Latinos elected to public office, outside of New Mexico at least, were exceedingly rare.
Themes and imagery about Latinos in the United States often focus on the rapid and substantial growth of this population and projections about the continuing impact of those demographic changes into the future. Portrayals in policy debates and the media have depicted the central facets of this fast-growing community – where they come from, how they are transforming traditional centers of migration with new destinations, the trials and tribulations of making it in America, and how the greater American society and its institutions respond to Latinos – imperfectly at best. The faces, stories, and life experiences of Latinos tend to be portrayed largely through sketchily drawn caricatures of working-class, immigrant-based communities trying to find an economic foothold to achieve the American dream; yet also holding steadfastly to traditions, cultural beliefs, and practices that sometimes fit uncomfortably with contemporary America.
But how accurate are these sketchy images, individually and collectively? What is the reality of the Latino experience in the United States? How can we better understand the views and perspectives of Hispanics in American society regarding such issues as education, politics, and public policy? What hard evidence can be brought to bear on this large, growing, and complex population that would help us situate the group in the American polity?