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For the first time in an Arab country, this article examines attitudes toward public opinion surveys and their effects on survey-taking behavior. The study uses original survey data from Qatar, the diverse population of which permits comparisons across cultural–geographical groupings within a single, non-democratic polity. The authors find that Qatari and expatriate Arabs hold positive views of surveys, both in absolute terms and relative to individuals from non-Arab countries. Factor analysis reveals that the underlying dimensions of survey attitudes in Qatar mostly mirror those identified in Western settings, but a new dimension is discovered that captures the perceived intentions of surveys. Two embedded experiments assess the impact of survey attitudes. The results show that generalized attitudes toward surveys affect respondents’ willingness to participate both alone and in combination with surveys' objective attributes. The study also finds that negative views about survey reliability and intentions increase motivated under-reporting among Arab respondents, whereas non-Arabs are sensitive only to perceived cognitive and time costs. These findings have direct implications for consumers and producers of Arab survey data.
Teaching about political conflict requires an understanding of the multiple perspectives and motivations of the parties to the conflict. This is especially true when teaching students who may have strong predispositions, such as in classes on the Arab–Israeli conflict. Various active-learning techniques address this problem but often at a cost of long preparation, substantial class time, and class-size limitations. This article offers both quantitative and qualitative evidence that a short essay asking students to defend a key action taken by one of the actors makes them more understanding and less accusatory of that side—even as it does not change their overall attitude toward the conflict. Adding a small-group discussion and a written reflection further helps students to make more informed and reasoned judgments. Importantly, such an assignment is easy to create, implement, and modify across various class types, sizes, and constraints.
Until recently, the synthesis of polythiophenes using Suzuki chemistry has proven difficult because of the ready protodeborylation of thiophene boronates. However, we now report that the new generation of bulky, electron-rich Pd(0)-phosphane catalysts are effective and reliable for the preparation of regioregular polyalkylthiophenes using Suzuki coupling. Moreover, the monomers can be prepared in high yield by Ir-catalysed borylation, without the need for strong organolithium bases, making this potentially a highly functional group-tolerant approach to polyalkylthiophene derivatives. Perfluoroalkylthiophenes also undergo this reaction.
A large body of research by political scientists, psychologists and
historians suggests that “existential security”—the
feeling that survival can be taken for granted—is conducive to
tolerance of foreigners, openness to social change and a pro-democratic
political culture. Conversely, existential insecurity leads to 1)
xenophobia and 2) strong in-group solidarity. This article tests these
hypotheses against evidence from a recent survey of Iraq—a society
where one would expect to find exceptionally high levels of insecurity. We
find that the Iraqi public today shows the highest level of xenophobia
found in any of the 85 societies for which data are
available—together with extremely high levels of solidarity with
one's own ethnic group.Ronald
Inglehart is Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan
(email@example.com), Mansoor Moaddel is Professor of Sociology at Eastern
Michigan University (firstname.lastname@example.org), and Mark Tessler is Professor of
Political Science at University of Michigan
This essay describes two very different survey projects that
investigate the political attitudes, values, and behavior patterns of
ordinary men and women in the Arab world. One is the Arab Democracy
Barometer, an American-Arab collaborative project being carried out in
five countries. The other is a survey in Palestine conducted as part of
the fieldwork for a doctoral dissertation. These projects illustrate the
emerging opportunities for political attitude research in the Arab world.
The essay begins, however, with a brief reflection on the history of
political surveys in the Arab world, which is necessary to appreciate the
significance of the opportunities now emerging.
In this paper, CdO thin films are used for the first time as transparent anodes for organic light-emitting diodes (OLEDs). Highly conductive and transparent CdO thin films have been grown on glass and on single-crystal MgO(100) by low pressure metal-organic chemical vapor deposition (MOCVD) at 400°C, and were implemented in small-molecule OLED fabrication. Device response and applications potential have been investigated and compared with those of commercial ITO-based control devices. It is found that as-deposited CdO thin films are capable of injecting holes into such devices, rendering them promising anode materials for OLEDs. A maximum luminance of 32,000 cd/m2 and an external forward quantum efficiency of 1.4 %, with a turn-on voltage of 3.2 V are achieved on MgO(100)/CdO-based devices.
We present our latest results on the design and fabrication of very high capacitance dielectric materials for organic field-effect transistors. We will show that utilization of appropriate self-assembling siloxane building blocks and polymer matrices allows solution-processed, pinhole-free organic dielectrics. Electrical (MIS, TFT) data demonstrate that these insulators can be efficiently integrated into large TFT structures. These devices function for both p- and n-channel semiconductors, the molecular components of which exhibit greatly different core structures and substituent functionalities. Substantial TFT response is achieved at very low operational biases (<1V), without serious leakage currents (<10-8 A/cm at 1V).
Very thin (2.3 – 5.5 nm) self-assembled organic dielectric multilayers have been integrated into organic thin-film transistor (OTFT) structures to achieve sub-1 V operating characteristics. These new dielectrics are fabricated via layer-by-layer solution phase deposition of molecular silicon precursors, resulting in smooth, nanostructurally well-defined, strongly-adherent, thermally stable, virtually pinhole-free, organosiloxane thin films having exceptionally large electrical capacitances (400-700 nFcm-2). These multilayers enable OTFT function at very low source-drain, gate, and threshold voltages, and are compatible with a broad variety of vapor- or solution-deposited p- and n-channel organic semiconductors.
Matthew Connelly's thoroughly researched and gracefully written volume adds an important dimension to our understanding of Algeria's struggle for independence. While the Algerian revolution has been the subject of numerous scholarly accounts, relatively little attention has been paid to the nature and context of the diplomatic efforts that played such an important role in the outcome of the conflict. It is here that Connelly makes an important and highly original contribution.
On the afternoon of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, a group of social scientists at the Institute for Social Research (ISR) gathered to consider how they might employ their talents to help the country after the shocking events of that morning. The group included economists, political scientists, psychologists, sociologists, demographers, and survey methodologists. Based upon their previous research experience, each of them proposed hypotheses on aspects of American life and individuals' morale and behavior that were most likely to be affected. While they were relatively confident about expected relationships in the short term, we were uncertain about how temporary or permanent these changes might be or how intertwined and mutually reinforcing they could become.
In an effort to contribute to the dialogue between gender studies and international studies, this report presents findings from an empirical investigation based on the integrated secondary analysis of survey data from Israel, Egypt, Palestine, and Kuwait. The goal is to assess the utility of both gender and attitudes pertaining to the circumstances of women in accounting for variance in views about war and peace, and thereafter to examine the degree to which political system attributes constitute conditionalities associated with important variable relationships. Major findings include the absence of gender-linked differences in attitudes toward international conflict in all four of the societies studied and a significant relationship in each of these societies between attitudes toward gender equality and attitudes toward international conflict. Based on data from the Arab world and Israel, with attitudes about a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict treated as the dependent variable, the research also aspires to shed light on more practical considerations pertaining to the international relations of the Middle East.
The status of women in Arab society, and in other developing areas, is an important subject in which interest is growing. Not only has heightened awareness of feminist issues fostered a general concern for women's emancipation for greater independence and equality with men, but it is also increasingly recognized that the circumstances of women bear a significant relationship to the potential of a society to achieve broader developmental objectives. Relevant considerations include a need for women to enter the salaried labor force, which will increase the productive capacity of the nation; the fact that educated and employed women tend to have fewer children, which is also a major policy objective in many developing countries; and a need to assure that women's critical role in child rearing and early socialization is exercised by individuals who are educated, socially active, and high in self-esteem, which will increase the likelihood of positive personal and civic orientations being inculcated among the young.