To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
In classical approaches to regime taxonomy, classifying a particular order within a typology of regimes turns on identifying the particular mix of its most important institutions and their associated purposes. Baogang He and Mark Warren’s past work has unsettled this familiar approach through a combination of innovative theorizing and empirical research. In this chapter, they extend their approach to recent arguments that Confucian ideals of meritocracy have been a significant factor driving China’s astonishing economic growth in recent decades. Beyond contesting the claim that China’s current regime is meritocratic, they reject altogether the view that “political meritocracy” is a regime type that can be coherently contrasted with “democracy.” Distinctions between regime types turn on how power is conferred on officeholders, whereas “meritocracy” refers to the qualities that officeholders possess. “Meritocracy” should be understood as an adjectival modifier of the two core regime types, authoritarianism and democracy. He and Warren draw on empirical research to argue that the current Chinese regime is a hybrid form, “authoritarian meritocracy with democratic characteristics,” that has emerged through innovative combinations of institutional forms. In practice, Chinese innovations sacrificed both democratic and meritocratic features of these institutions to the temptations of authoritarian rule.
Over the last few decades, democratic theory has grown dramatically in its power and sophistication, fueled by debates among models of democracy. But these debates are increasingly unproductive. Model-based strategies encourage theorists to overgeneralize the place and functions of ideal typical features of democracy, such as deliberation or elections. Here I sketch an alternative strategy based on the question: What kinds of problems does a political system need to solve to count as “democratic”? I suggest three general kinds: it should empower inclusions, form collective agendas and wills, and have capacities to make collective decisions. We can view common practices such as voting and deliberating as means for addressing these problems, and theorize institutional mixes of practices that would maximize a political system's democratic problem-solving capacities. The resulting theories will be both normatively robust and sufficiently fine-grained to frame democratic problems, possibilities, and deficits in complex polities.
This study used a prospective longitudinal design to examine the early developmental pathways that underlie language growth in infants at high risk (n = 50) and low risk (n = 34) for autism spectrum disorder in the first 18 months of life. While motor imitation and responding to joint attention (RJA) have both been found to predict expressive language in children with autism spectrum disorder and those with typical development, the longitudinal relation between these capacities has not yet been identified. As hypothesized, results revealed that 15-month RJA mediated the association between 12-month motor imitation and 18-month expressive vocabulary, even after controlling for earlier levels of RJA and vocabulary. These results provide new information about the developmental sequencing of skills relevant to language growth that may inform future intervention efforts for children at risk for language delay or other developmental challenges.
The Whillans Ice Stream Subglacial Access Research Drilling (WISSARD) project will test the overarching hypothesis that an active hydrological system exists beneath a West Antarctic ice stream that exerts a major control on ice dynamics, and the metabolic and phylogenetic diversity of the microbial community in subglacial water and sediment. WISSARD will explore Subglacial Lake Whillans (SLW, unofficial name) and its outflow toward the grounding line where it is thought to enter the Ross Ice Shelf seawater cavity. Introducing microbial contamination to the subglacial environment during drilling operations could compromise environmental stewardship and the science objectives of the project, consequently we developed a set of tools and procedures to directly address these issues. WISSARD hot water drilling efforts will include a custom water treatment system designed to remove micron and sub-micron sized particles (biotic and abiotic), irradiate the drilling water with germicidal ultraviolet (UV) radiation, and pasteurize the water to reduce the viability of persisting microbial contamination. Our clean access protocols also include methods to reduce microbial contamination on the surfaces of cables/hoses and down-borehole equipment using germicidal UV exposure and chemical disinfection. This paper presents experimental data showing that our protocols will meet expectations established by international agreement between participating Antarctic nations.
We report on the electrical and structural properties of boron-doped diamond tips commonly used for in-situ electromechanical testing during nanoindentation. The boron dopant environment, as evidenced by cathodoluminescence (CL) microscopy, revealed significantly different boron states within each tip. Characteristic emission bands of both electrically activated and nonelectrically activated boron centers were identified in all boron-doped tips. Surface CL mapping also revealed vastly different surface properties, confirming a high amount of nonelectrically activated boron clusters at the tip surface. Raman microspectroscopy analysis showed that structural characteristics at the atomic scale for boron-doped tips also differ significantly when compared to an undoped diamond tip. Furthermore, the active boron concentration, as inferred via the Raman analysis, varied greatly from tip-to-tip. It was found that tips (or tip areas) with low overall boron concentration have a higher number of electrically inactive boron, and thus non-Ohmic contacts were made when these tips contacted metallic substrates. Conversely, tips that have higher boron concentrations and a higher number of electrically active boron centers display Ohmic-like contacts. Our results demonstrate the necessity to understand and fully characterize the boron environments, boron concentrations, and atomic structure of the tips prior to performing in situ electromechanical experiments, particularly if quantitative electrical data are required.
Democracy is about including those who are potentially affected by collective decisions in making those decisions. For this reason, contemporary democratic theory primarily assumes membership combined with effective voice. An alternative to voice is exit: Dissatisfied members may choose to leave a group rather than voice their displeasure. Rights and capacities for exit can function as low-cost, effective empowerments, particularly for those without voice. But because contemporary democratic theory often dismisses exit as appropriate only for economic markets, the democratic potentials of exit have rarely been theorized. Exit-based empowerments should be as central to the design and integrity of democracy as distributions of votes and voice, long considered its key structural features. When they are integrated into other democratic devices, exit-based empowerments should generate and widely distribute usable powers for those who need them most, evoke responsiveness from elites, induce voice, discipline monopoly, and underwrite vibrant and pluralistic societies.
Authoritarian rule in China is now permeated by a wide variety of deliberative practices. These practices combine authoritarian concentrations of power with deliberative influence, producing the apparent anomaly of authoritarian deliberation. Although deliberation is usually associated with democracy, they are distinct phenomena. Democracy involves the inclusion of individuals in matters that affect them through distributions of empowerments such as votes and rights. Deliberation is a mode of communication involving persuasion-based influence. Combinations of non-inclusive power and deliberative influence—authoritarian deliberation—are readily identifiable in China, probably reflecting failures of command authoritarianism under the conditions of complexity and pluralism produced by market-oriented development. The concept of authoritarian deliberation frames two possible trajectories of political development in China: the increasing use of deliberative practices stabilizes and strengthens authoritarian rule, or deliberative practices serve as a leading edge of democratization.
Canadian Cardiovascular Society consensus guidelines recommend that tetralogy of Fallot patients be seen by a congenital cardiologist every 2 years. In Atlantic Canada, tetralogy of Fallot patients are followed up at either tertiary or satellite clinics, which are held in the community and attended by paediatric cardiologists. The effectiveness of satellite clinics in congenital cardiac disease follow-up is unproven. Our objective was to compare patient-reported quality of life measures to determine whether these were impacted by the site of follow-up.
We included patients with tetralogy of Fallot undergoing surgical repair at the Izaak Walton Killam Health Centre from 1 November, 1972 to 31 May, 2002. Quality of life surveys, SF-10 or SF-36v2, were administered to consenting patients. We analysed the subjective health status by patient age and site of follow-up.
Of the 184 eligible patients, 72 were lost to follow-up. Of the locatable patients, 61% completed the questionnaires. In all, 90% (101 out of 112) were followed up at recommended intervals. Of the 112 (68%) patients, 76 were followed up at a tertiary clinic. These patients were older, with a mean age of 18.4 years versus 14.7 years, and scored higher on the SF-36 physical component summary (52.6 versus 45.7, p = 0.02) compared with satellite clinic patients. The SF-36 mental component summary scores were similar for patients regardless of the site of follow-up. SF-10 physical and psychosocial scores were similar regardless of the site of follow-up.
Tetralogy of Fallot patients followed at either satellite or tertiary clinics have similar subjective health status.
Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientists, most especially students of democratic theory, electoral and party politics, social movements, social capital, and “contentious politics.” The goal of this symposium is to invite a number of political scientists who work on these issues to comment on the book from their distinctive disciplinary, methodological, and theoretical perspectives.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor