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In a longitudinal cohort study of young Australian adults, we reported that for women higher baseline levels of fish consumption were associated with reduced incidence of new depressive episodes during the 5-year follow-up. Fish are high in both n-3 fatty acids and tyrosine. In this study, we seek to determine whether n-3 fatty acids or tyrosine explain the observed association. During 2004–2006, a FFQ (nine fish items) was used to estimate weekly fish consumption among 546 women aged 26–36 years. A fasting blood sample was taken and high-throughput NMR spectroscopy was used to measure 233 metabolites, including serum n-3 fatty acids and tyrosine. During 2009–2011, new episodes of depression since baseline were identified using the lifetime version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview. Relative risks were calculated using log-binomial regression and indirect effects estimated using the STATA binary_mediation command. Potential mediators were added to separate models, and mediation was quantified as the proportion of the total effect due to the mediator. The n-3 DHA mediated 25·3 % of the association between fish consumption and depression when fish consumption was analysed as a continuous variable and 16·6 % when dichotomised (reference group: <2 serves/week). Tyrosine did not mediate the association (<0·1 %). Components in fish other than n-3 fatty acids and tyrosine might be beneficial for women’s mental health.
Escherichia coli O157 are zoonotic bacteria for which cattle are an important reservoir. Prevalence estimates for E. coli O157 in British cattle for human consumption are over 10 years old. A new baseline is needed to inform current human health risk. The British E. coli O157 in Cattle Study (BECS) ran between September 2014 and November 2015 on 270 farms across Scotland and England & Wales. This is the first study to be conducted contemporaneously across Great Britain, thus enabling comparison between Scotland and England & Wales. Herd-level prevalence estimates for E. coli O157 did not differ significantly for Scotland (0·236, 95% CI 0·166–0·325) and England & Wales (0·213, 95% CI 0·156–0·283) (P = 0·65). The majority of isolates were verocytotoxin positive. A higher proportion of samples from Scotland were in the super-shedder category, though there was no difference between the surveys in the likelihood of a positive farm having at least one super-shedder sample. E. coli O157 continues to be common in British beef cattle, reaffirming public health policy that contact with cattle and their environments is a potential infection source.
A study to evaluate the effect of application time of day (TOD) on the efficacy of five burndown herbicides was conducted in Alabama and Tennessee. Treatments of 2,4-D, dicamba, glufosinate, paraquat, and saflufenacil were applied at sunrise, midday, or sunset to a native population of horseweed and analyzed separately. Control of glyphosate-resistant (GR) horseweed with 2,4-D, dicamba, glufosinate, and saflufenacil was greatest from the midday application. Percentage of living horseweed counts for all of these herbicides followed a similar pattern. Control from paraquat was lowest at the midday timing and greatest from the sunset application with surviving horseweed plant populations reflecting those control ratings. Application TOD significantly affected all of the herbicides in this research. Applications of 2,4-D, dicamba, glufosinate, and saflufenacil are more efficacious when applied during the middle portion of the day, while paraquat is more efficacious when applied at sunset for maximum horseweed control.
Treerow vegetation abundance and biodiversity were measured in response to six orchard floor management strategies in organic peach in northern Utah for three growing seasons. A total of 32 weed species were observed in the treerow; the most common were field bindweed, dandelion, perennial grasses (e.g., red fescue and ryegrass), clovers, and prickly lettuce. Weed biomass was two to five times greater in unmanaged (living mulch) than in manipulated treatments. Tillage greatly reduced weeds for approximately one month; however, vegetation rebounded midseason. Tillage selected for species adapted to disturbance, such as common purslane and field bindweed. Straw mulch provided equivalent weed suppression to tillage in the early season. Straw required annual reapplication with material costs, labor, and weed-seed contamination (e.g., volunteer grains and quackgrass) as disadvantages. Plastic fabric mulch reduced weeds the most, but had high initial costs and required seasonal maintenance. Weed biomass declined within seasons and across the three years of the study, likely due to tree canopy shading. Neither birdsfoot trefoil nor a perennial grass mixture planted in the alleyways influenced treerow weeds. Our results demonstrate several viable alternatives to tillage for weed management in treerows of organic peach orchards in the Intermountain West.
This observational study aims to investigate the microbiological quality of commercially prepared lightly cooked foods with a major component of food of animal origin and collected as would be served to a consumer. A total of 356 samples were collected from catering (92%), retail (7%) or producers (1%) and all were independent of known incidents of foodborne illness. Using standard methods, all samples were tested for: the presence of Campylobacter spp. and Salmonella spp. and enumerated for levels of, Bacillus spp. including B. cereus, Clostridium perfringens, Listeria spp. including L. monocytogenes, Staphylococcus aureus, Escherichia coli, Enterobacteriacea and aerobic colony count (ACC). Results were interpreted as unsatisfactory, borderline or satisfactory according to the Health Protection Agency guidelines for assessing the microbiological safety of ready-to-eat foods placed on the market. Amongst all samples, 70% were classified as satisfactory, 18% were borderline and 12% were of unsatisfactory microbiological quality. Amongst the unsatisfactory samples, six (2%) were potentially injurious to health due to the presence of: Salmonella spp. (one duck breast); Campylobacter spp. (two duck breast and one chicken liver pâté); L. monocytogenes at 4·3 × 103 cfu (colony-forming units)/g (one duck confit with foie gras ballotin) and C. perfringens at 2·5 × 105 cfu/g (one chicken liver pâté). The remaining unsatisfactory samples were due to high levels of indicator E. coli, Enterobacteriaceae or ACC.
Most of the atomic species originating in the solar atmosphere between the upper chromosphere and the corona have their strong characteristic wavelengths in the extreme ultraviolet region of the spectrum. A simple normal-incidence spectrometer system with solar blind detectors such as the Harvard instrument operating between approximately 250 Å and 1350 Å is ideally suited for observing in this most interesting range of the solar atmosphere where the temperature rises outward from 104 to 3 × 106 K. The temperature range represented by the various atomic and ionic species in the extreme ultraviolet is associated with many types of solar structure, prominences and filaments, the supergranulation cells and network, active regions and their associated loop structures and other features. Simultaneous observations in lines of different characteristic temperatures provide a three-dimensional probe of the solar atmosphere. In the instrument, the principal polychromatic position observes the Lyman continuum, Lα, C II, C III, O IV, O VI, and Mg x with seven detectors simultaneously from the same spatial image element, 5″ in size. Approximately 60 additional polychromatic positions are used routinely to carry out specific observing programs, for example, covering several lines of a given stage of ionization, observing lines or continuum from specific species of interest such as helium in prominences, comparing combinations of lines from a given ionic species such as O v where the relative intensities give a rather direct measurement of the density at a given temperature, or measuring differing positions in the Lyman continuum providing intensity measurements which can be interpreted in terms of the departure from ionization equilibrium.
The objective of this research was to describe proportional differences across time and region in management practices among southern cotton farmers who experienced glyphosate-resistant (GR) weeds on their farms earlier than those who experienced them later and among farmers who were closest to one of four historical outbreak epicenters: Lauderdale County, TN; Macon County, GA; Edgecombe County, NC; and Terry County, TX. A mail survey was conducted with cotton farmers in 2012 from 13 southern, cotton-producing states. Survey responses on practices used by farmers were classified into three broad categories of labor, mechanical/tillage/chemical (MTC), and cultural. Proportions of respondents using practices from each category were identified by time and region; across which, proportional-difference tests were conducted. Results indicated respondents encountering GR weeds earlier were more likely than farmers who experienced them later to use the three broad-category practices (labor, 98 vs. 92%; MTC, 95 vs. 89%; and cultural, 86 vs. 76%) and specific practices, including hooded sprayers (76 vs. 58%), in-season herbicide change (83 vs. 60%), and field-border management (60 vs. 35%). Also, respondents closest to Lauderdale County were more likely than farmers closest to Edgecombe County to use broad-labor practices (99 vs. 91%) and specific practices, including hand hoeing (96 vs. 84%), hand spraying (49 vs. 31%), spot spraying (76 vs. 59%), wick applicator (13 vs. 11%), and field-border management (58 vs. 39%). Education programs on weed management can be developed and tailored according to the time and regional differences to provide effective information and communication channels to farmers.
In their article, Ree, Carretta, and Teachout (2015) argued that a dominant general factor (DGF) is present in most, if not all, psychological measures (e.g., personality, leadership, attitudes, skills). A DGF, according to Ree et al., is identified by two characteristics. First, the DGF accounts for the largest amount of a measure's systematic variance, and second, it influences every subdimension within the construct domain. They indicate that researchers ignore DGFs and pay inappropriate amounts of attention to the specific dimensions (DSs) even though the DGF provides most of the predictive power and the DS adds little predictive power.
In this paper we review some preliminary results from the Harvard College Observatory Extreme Ultraviolet Spectroheliometer on ATM that pertain to solar activity. The results reviewed here are described in more detail in other papers referred to in the text. In the following paragraphs we first describe the instrument and its capabilities, and then turn to results on active regions, sunspots, flares, EUV bright points, coronal holes, and prominences.
This paper departs somewhat from the usual interpretation of the subject of this symposium, in which instrumental techniques normally deal with diverse aspects of experiment design or construction. Rather, we will concern ourselves here with some innovations in the ground control optimization of the modes of data acquisition once an instrument is in orbit. Although the fullest possible utilization of the data gathering capability of a device is of vital interest to the success of the experiment and the mission, the subject has not been discussed at length in the open forum of scientific meetings. The planning of the data gathering and processing aspects of a mission must receive as careful attention as instrument design and test if the characteristics of the instrument are to be fully exploited.
On page 157 of the article by Kriner and Reeves in the February 2015 issue of American Political Science Review, the author of a book by Hart (1995) is incorrectly cited as House. On page 170, the reference incorrectly lists the author as House and the publisher as M.E. Sharpe. The publisher is in fact Chatham House. The correct reference is below.
We have searched for and found evidence of presidential particularism in a diverse range of policy realms, from the implementation of U.S. trade law to decisions concerning military base closures to natural disaster declarations to the allocation of hundreds of billions of grant dollars across the country. Even in the realm of the federal government's response to natural disasters – a policy venue where presidents have unilateral authority and where all would hope that economic need alone drives policy choices – we found unambiguous evidence of presidents catering to swing states and privileging the interests of core political constituencies at the expense of a politically neutral distribution of federal resources. The sheer breadth of evidence for presidential particularism shows that it is far from the exception in presidential policymaking.
Given our findings of particularism across a range of policy areas, we suspect the influence of presidential particularism extends beyond the policies examined in this book. For example, election watchers have long noted that presidential candidates are reluctant to criticize federal ethanol subsidies, despite voluminous evidence of their inefficiencies and perverse unintended consequences. The rush to expand ethanol production has been linked to the destruction of pristine habitats and conservation lands, contamination of water supplies with fertilizers, and rising food prices, all while failing to reduce significantly the carbon footprint of energy generation. Why would presidents champion a position that, according to many, is detrimental to the best interest of the nation? One answer is particularism. Although Iowa is not always considered a swing state in general election contests, it enjoys privileged status as the nation's first caucus state in the presidential nomination calendar. Time and again Iowa's electoral importance has blunted any executive initiative to change the nation's energy policies. Indeed, executive branch policies under Presidents Bush and Obama have further bolstered ethanol, despite its widespread environmental and social costs.
Consider another policy venue – immigration – where President Obama's executive actions in 2013 directed the Department of Justice to, in effect, implement key provisions of the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act, more commonly known as the DREAM Act.
More than a century ago, Woodrow Wilson, the only president of the American Political Science Association to become president of the United States, articulated a vision of the chief executive as the only actor in our system capable of representing and serving the interests of the nation as a whole. Contrasting members of Congress who are “representatives of localities” and “voted for only by sections of voters” with presidents who are elected by the nation, Wilson concluded that the presidency “is the representative of no constituency, but of the whole people.” As a result, Wilson argued, when the president “speaks in his true character, he speaks for no special interest. If he rightly interprets the national thought and boldly insists upon it, he is irresistible.”
Wilson's view continues to hold great currency today as scholars, pundits, and presidents themselves tout the office of the presidency as a universalistic counterbalance to Congress, whose members all too often put the interests of their constituents above those of the nation as a whole. While members of Congress are driven to pursue policies that benefit their narrow geographic constituencies, presidents alone take a broader view and pursue policies that maximize the general welfare. The contrasts are often held to be particularly acute in the realm of divide-the-dollar politics. As law professor and Federalist Society cofounder Steven Calabresi describes, the president is “our only constitutional backstop against the redistributive collective action problem.” Members of Congress seek to “bring home the bacon” to their own constituencies. Presidents take a holistic view and instead seek policies that maximize outcomes for the country at large.
Undoubtedly, presidents do approach policy from a different perspective than do members of Congress, and they are often uniquely positioned to view political challenges through a national lens. But is the presidency really a “constitutional backstop” defending us from parochial policies rife with inefficiencies? We argue no, and throughout the book we show that electoral and partisan incentives combine to encourage presidents to pursue policies across a range of issues that systematically target benefits to politically valuable constituencies.
In 1909, President William H. Taft began his public appeal for a massive expansion and improvement of American waterways with a flotilla down the Mississippi River. The convoy included nearly one hundred members of Congress and was, in part, an early twentieth-century publicity stunt designed to garner support for infrastructure improvements legislation. But the president also used the public spectacle as a powerful platform from which to warn Congress not to treat the initiative as pork barrel legislation. Taft “caused a sensation” among members, especially Speaker of the House Joe Cannon, for criticizing Congress for doing what was politically expedient to the detriment of the general welfare. If the local interests of members of Congress caused them to invest in strengthening already solid riverbanks and deepening untraveled waterways in their districts, the collective aims of the nation would suffer. Taft demanded that funds be allocated based on objective need and not the wants of powerful members of Congress.
More than a century later, modern presidents still echo Taft's warnings. Presidents continue to rail against pork barrel spending and to champion the office of the presidency as the defender of the national interest from petty and parochial politics. At times, members of Congress seem to acknowledge their own failings and look to the president to save them from themselves. Witness the Line Item Veto Act of 1996, which gave presidents the power to strike certain types of provisions from legislation individually rather than veto the entire bill. While the Supreme Court struck down the line item veto as unconstitutional in 1998, both George W. Bush and Barack Obama have called for its reintroduction in a form that might pass constitutional muster. Most recently, in 2010 the Obama administration submitted a new proposal to Congress, the Reduce Unnecessary Spending Act, which the president claimed would help his administration cut billions of dollars of federal waste inserted into appropriations bills by spendthrift members of Congress each year.