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US–Chinese strategic competition is a defining factor in world politics. The prevailing narrative on US–China relations predicts inevitable conflicts between these two giants, potentially leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy. While fully acknowledging the inherent dangers of potential wars or military conflicts between the two powers, this book shows that competition is not necessarily detrimental. By systematically examining US–China institutional balancing across security, economic and political domains, particularly in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, this book highlights three positive externalities or unintended consequences: the revitalisation of regional institutions to address emerging challenges, unexpected collaborations between great powers (the US and China) and regional actors, and the provision of public goods by both nations. The book argues that constructive and institutionalised competition between the US and China, if managed with strategic foresight and restraint, could inadvertently lead to positive outcomes – institutional peace – in the Asia-Pacific region.
International organizations play an important, if imperfect, role in world politics, solving collective action problems in security, economic, environmental, and global health among others. While many believe that international organisations have formed critical pillars of global governance, sceptics contend that they reflect the power politics of the day and the interests of hegemonic powers. This volume examines whether international organizations contribute to or detract from peaceful change, acting as agents of both status quo and stasis. Providing a historical overview of international organizations, from the nineteenth century to the current day, a team of leading scholars offer an overview of how major theoretical approaches – Liberalism, Constructivism, Rationalism and Realism – have contributed to our understanding of the role played by international organizations in peaceful change. In particular, the roles of the United Nations General Assembly, UN Peacekeeping, UN Environment Program, World Health Organization, World Trade Organization and G20 are analysed.
Phytoplasmas are phloem-limited bacteria that are primarily transmitted by hemipteran insects and are emerging threats to Camptotheca acuminata Decne plants due to their associations with a witches’ broom disease. Despite numerous studies, there has been no report on insect transmission of phytoplasma among C. acuminata. Here, transmission characteristics of the leafhopper, Empoasca paraparvipenis Zhang and Liu, 2008 and the phytoplasma in plant leaves through PCR quantification are described. The interaction between C. acuminata-phytoplasma and insect vectors was examined by analysing the impact on the life characteristics and progeny population in a temperature-dependent manner. Phytoplasma-infected C. acuminata plant exhibited symptoms including shorter internodes, weak and clustered branches, shrunken and yellowed leaves, and red leaf margins. The acquisition and transmission time of bacterial-infected third-instar nymphs of insect vectors were 10 (11.11%) and 30 min (33.33%), respectively. A single insect vector can infect a plant after 72 h of feeding, and the incidence rate of disease increases with the number of insects following 11–100% from single to 20 insects. The development time of the infected insect vectors (1–3 instars) was significantly shorter than that of the healthy insects, and the development duration of instar individuals was longer. In progeny populations, the higher the phytoplasma concentration (88–0% for 1–5 instars nymph, female and male adults), the shorter the development time and the longer the adult lifetime (both male and female). These findings provided research evidence of phytoplasma transmission by insect vectors; however, further investigation of the mechanisms for prevention and management of phytoplasma diseases is needed.
This chapter examines Australia’s perspectives and strategies on the rules-based order between 2016 and 2020. Australian understanding of the rules-based order were built on US supremacy as well as US-led multilateral institutions, but China’s rise posed serious challenges to both the power configuration and the institutional foundation of that order. Australian leaders believed that the United States would enjoy military advantage over China for decades, so Australia adopted a series of balancing strategies to cope with China’s challenges under the Coalition government. This was evident in a higher military budget, stronger security cooperation with the Quad countries, support for ASEAN’s centrality to Asian diplomacy, coordination of an infrastructure coalition in the South Pacific, and a campaign against the CCP’s ‘sharp power’. Australia pursued balancing strategies against China to defend the existing order, despite the attendant risks to its national interests.
Aiming to identify the complexing mechanisms of heavy metal cations on edge surfaces of 2:1-type clay minerals, systemic first-principles molecular dynamics (FPMD) simulations were conducted and the microscopic structures and complex free energies were obtained. Taking Cd(II) as a model cation, the structures on both (010) and (110) edges of the complexes were derived for the three possible binding sites (≡SiO, ≡Al(OH)2/≡AlOH≡AlSiO, and vacant sites). The stable complexes adsorbed on the three binding sites on both terminations had similar structures. The free energies of the complexes on (010) edges were calculated by using the constrained FPMD method. The free energies of complexes on the ≡SiO and ≡Al(OH)2 sites were similar and they were both significantly lower than the free energy of the complex on the octahedral vacant site. In association with the concept of high energy site (HES) and low energy site (LES) in the 2 Site Protolysis Non Electrostatic Surface Complexation and Cation Exchange (2SPNE SC/CE) sorption model, the vacant site was assigned to HES and the other two sites to LES, respectively.
The strategic rivalry between the United States and China has heightened since COVID-19. Secondary states face increasing difficulties maintaining a 'hedging' strategy between the United States and China. This Element introduces a preference-for-change model to explain the policy variations of states during the order transition. It suggests that policymakers will perceive a potential change in the international order through a cost–benefit prism. The interplays between the perceived costs and the perception of benefits from the order transition will shape states' policy choices among four strategic options: (1) hedging to bet on uncertainties; (2) bandwagoning with rising powers to support changes; (3) balancing against rising powers to resist changes; and (4) buck-passing to ignore changes. Four case studies (Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, and Thailand) are conducted to explore the policy choices of regional powers during the international order transition. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Yan Xuetong's Leadership and the Rise of Great Powers is a path- breaking project, which integrates ancient Chinese philosophy, historical and contemporary cases, and modern international relations (IR) theory. Yan proposes ‘moral realism’ – a new realist theory – to explain the rise of great powers as well as the transformation of international order. He argues that ‘political leadership serves as the core independent variable’ in explaining why only a ‘few rising states have been able to replace the dominant state’. In addition, he suggests that political leadership can also account for the changing international power configurations, norms, orders, and systems.
His argument is parsimonious and elegant, fitting the golden standard of the political science discipline because his ‘moral realism’ theory has only one key variable – political leadership – which explains the power dynamics, the transformation of international order, as well as the rise and fall of international norms. It is really ambitious and provocative because political scientists normally draw a clear explanatory boundary around their theories in order to avoid academic criticisms. For example, Kenneth Waltz, the founding father of neorealism, famously stated that neorealism is a theory of IR, not a theory of foreign policy because it cannot explain ‘why state X made a certain move last Tuesday’. On the contrary, Yan claims that the explanatory power of ‘moral realism’ can cross three different levels of analysis: individual, state, and system.
Moreover, moral realism has already bridged materialism and ideationalism in that morality and norms – two ideational variables in constructivism – are well integrated with material power in Yan's definition of ‘political leadership’. It is obvious that Yan's ‘moral realism’ has posed some tough challenges to the major canons of contemporary IR theory. Although scholars might not necessarily agree with Yan's arguments, they will be inspired by many insights from the book, which will in turn encourage them to seek new light through both theoretical innovation and empirical investigation in IR.
In this review chapter, I first highlight some major contributions of Yan's book to both IR theory building and the study of China's rise. Namely, it takes leadership in IR seriously, breaks the boundary between materialism and ideationalism, and crafts bold but nuanced predictions on the US– China competition in the future.
High-molecular-weight glutenin subunits (HMW-GS) contribute to dough elasticity and bread baking quality in wheat. In this study, wheat varieties were classified based on their HMW-GS composition into three groups: 1Dx5 (5 + 10, Gaoyou 8901, Xinmai 28, Xinmai 19, Xinmai 26 and Jinbaoyin), 1Dx2 (2 + 12, Zhoumai 24, Xinmai 9 and Yumai) and 1Dx4 (4 + 12, Aikang 58). Sequence analysis showed that 1Dx-GY8901, 1Dx-XM28, 1Dx-XM19 and 1Dx-XM26 were similar to the 1Dx5 gene and clustered on the same branch, while 1Dx-AK58, 1Dx-ZM24, 1Dx-JBY, 1Dx-YM, 1Dx-XM9 and 1Dx-JBY were more similar to the 1Dx2 gene and clustered on the same branch with 1Dx.2.2. There was a mutation of Ser to Cys at position S2, for an extra Cys in the repeat regions of 1Dx-XM19, 1Dx-XM26, 1Dx-XM28 and 1Dx-GY8901. The wheat HMW-GS genes exhibited similar percentages of α-helix, extended strand, β-turn and random coil structure, with ranges of 13.33–13.59, 4.77–5.78, 7.08–9.18 and 72.3–73.94%, respectively. Sequence conservation and the composition of HMW-GS subunits were also analysed for a series of strong gluten wheat varieties, Xinmai 9 (1, 7 + 8, 2 + 12), Xinmai 19 (1, 7 + 9, 5 + 10), Xinmai 26 (1, 7 + 8, 5 + 10) and Xinmai 28 (1, 7 + 9, 5 + 10). The results of this work should facilitate future breeding efforts and provide the theoretical basis for wheat quality improvement.
Linear modal instabilities of flow over untapered wings with aspect ratios $AR=4$ and 8, based on the NACA 0015 profile, have been investigated numerically over a range of angles of attack, $\alpha$, and angles of sweep, $\varLambda$, at chord Reynolds numbers $100\le Re\le 400$. Laminar base flows have been generated using direct numerical simulation and selective frequency damping, as appropriate. Several families of unstable three-dimensional linear global (TriGlobal) eigenmodes have been identified and their dependence on geometric parameters has been examined in detail at $Re=400$. The leading global mode A is associated with the peak recirculation in the three-dimensional laminar separation bubble formed on the wing and becomes unstable when recirculation reaches $\textit {O}(10\,\%)$. On unswept wings, this mode peaks in the midspan region of the wake and moves towards the wing tip with increasing $\varLambda$, following the displacement of peak recirculation; its linear amplification leads to wake unsteadiness. Additional amplified modes exist at nearly the same and higher frequencies compared to mode A. The critical $Re$ has been identified and it is shown that amplification increases with increasing sweep, up to $\varLambda \approx 10^\circ$. At higher $\varLambda$, all global modes become less amplified and are ultimately stable at $\varLambda =30^\circ$. An increase in amplification of the leading mode with sweep was not observed over the $AR=4$ wing, where tip vortex effects were shown to dominate.
Direct numerical simulation is used to investigate effects of turbulent flow in the confined geometry of a face-centred cubic porous unit cell on the transport, clustering and deposition of fine particles at different Stokes numbers ($St = 0.01, 0.1, 0.5, 1, 2$) and at a pore Reynolds number of 500. Particles are advanced using one-way coupling and the collision of particles with pore walls is modelled as perfectly elastic with specular reflection. Tools for studying inertial particle dynamics and clustering developed for homogeneous flows are adapted to take into account the embedded, curved geometry of the pore walls. The pattern and dynamics of clustering are investigated using the volume change of Voronoi tesselation in time to analyse the divergence and convergence of the particles. Similar to the case of homogeneous, isotropic turbulence, the cluster formation is present at large volumes, while cluster destruction is prominent at small volumes and these effects are amplified with the Stokes number. However, unlike homogeneous, isotropic turbulence, the formation of a large number of very small volumes was observed at all Stokes numbers and attributed to the collision of particles with the pore wall. Multiscale wavelet analysis of the particle number density indicates that the peak of the energy density spectrum, representative of enhanced particle clustering, shifts towards larger scales with an increase in the Stokes number. Scale-dependent skewness and flatness quantify the intermittent void and cluster distribution, with cluster formation observed at small scales for all Stokes numbers, and void regions at large scales for large Stokes numbers.
The rise of “the rest,” especially China, has triggered an inevitable transformation of the so-called liberal international order. Rising powers have started to both challenge and push for the reform of existing multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and to create new ones, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The United States under the Trump administration, on the other hand, has retreated from the international institutions that the country once led or helped to create, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the Paris Agreement; the Iran nuclear deal; the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The United States has also paralyzed the ability of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to settle trade disputes by blocking the appointment of judges to its appellate body. Moreover, in May 2020, President Trump announced his decision to quit the Open Skies Treaty, an arms control regime designed to promote transparency among its members regarding military activities. During the past decade or so, both Russia and the United States have been dismantling multilateral arms control treaties one by one while engaging in new nuclear buildups at home.
As part of the roundtable “International Institutions and Peaceful Change,” this essay focuses on the “Kindleberger trap,” a term coined by Joseph Nye Jr. referring to the situation in which no country takes the lead to maintain international institutions in the international system. President Trump's destructive policies toward many international institutions seem to push the current international order to the brink of the Kindleberger trap. Ironically, China has pledged, at least rhetorically, to support and even save these existing international institutions. Based on an institutional-balancing perspective, we suggest that the worry about the Kindleberger trap is unwarranted because the international institutional order will not easily collapse after the decline of U.S. hegemony. Institutional competition among great powers and institutional changes within the institutional order have become two remedies to maintain international institutions and to avoid the Kindleberger trap during the international order transition. What states, including the United States and China, should do is to reembrace and reinvigorate the role of multilateralism in world politics so that the dynamics of institutional balancing and consequential institutional changes in the context of U.S.-China competition do not deprive international society of the public goods and normative values of international institutions. The future international order should not be led by a single country, but by dynamic and balanced international institutions.