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In the Afro-Colombian community of San Basilio de Palenque, there are school-based efforts to revitalize the once-endangered creole language Palenquero. At present, most Palenquero language classes do not include grammatical instruction, active student production, or corrective feedback, and there is little or no communication in Palenquero between L2 learners and fluent adult speakers. One result is that L2 Palenquero speakers are overgeneralizing the Palenquero prenominal plural marker to singular contexts, in a fashion that partly suggests a Spanish-influenced misinterpretation as a definite article. The present study summarizes oral and written production, and then analyzes processing data from an eye-tracking experiment confirming L2 learners’ emergent restructuring of the Palenquero plural marker. L2 learners have regularized perceived variation similar to learners of artificial languages, and the morphological marking of plurality is seemingly being lost, possibly morphing into an emergent but still unstable definiteness marker effectively delinked from number.
The present study examines the relative processing efficiency of two typologically diverse configurations of sentential negation: immediately preverbal NEG and unbounded clause-final NEG. In order to effect a head-to-head comparison, the data are drawn from a bilingual speech community in the Afro-Colombian village of San Basilio de Palenque, in which two lexically cognate languages are in contact, differing principally in the placement of the sentential negator: Spanish (preverbal NEG) and the Afro-Hispanic creole language Palenquero (clause-final NEG). The results of a series of experiments suggest that preverbal negation is quite robust, while processing of clause-final negation is degraded under increased cognitive demands. Contextual and pragmatic cues ameliorate the processing of likely negative utterances, while unbounded clause-final negation is more vulnerable in ambiguous utterances. The contrasting behavior of Spanish and Palenquero negation highlights the possible role of processing mechanisms as contributing to typological differences among languages.
In the extreme northeastern Argentine province of Misiones, vernacular Portuguese is the primary language of many rural communities, in bilingual contact with Spanish. The present study examines data from Misiones Portuguese and Spanish for evidence of morphosyntactic convergence in the absence of formal schooling in either language or sociolinguistic pressures to produce canonical varieties. Data from a corpus of vernacular Misiones Portuguese and the results of a speeded translation task reveal that even in this sociolinguistically permissive environment bilingual speakers maintain distinct morphosyntactic systems for Portuguese and Spanish (exemplified by nominal plural marking and first-person plural verbal inflection). The data also suggest that bilingual contact alone does not yield the degree of convergence required for the hybrid Portuguese-Spanish morphosyntaxis that has been reported, for example, in northern Uruguay.
This study investigates the relationship between intra-sentential codeswitching restrictions after subject pronouns, negative elements, and interrogatives and language-specific syntactic structures. Data are presented from two languages that have non-cognate lexicons but share identical phrase structure and syntactic mechanisms and exactly the same grammatical morphemes except for pronouns, negators, and interrogative words. The languages are the Quichua of Imbabura province, Ecuador and Ecuadorian Media Lengua (ML), consisting of Quichua morphosyntax with Spanish-derived lexical roots. Bilingual participants carried out un-timed acceptability judgment and language-identification tasks and concurrent memory-loaded repetition on utterances in Quichua, ML, and various mixtures of Quichua and ML. The acceptability and classification data show a main effect for category of single-word switches (significant differences for lexical vs. interrogative, negative, and for acceptability, pronoun) and repetition data show significant differences between lexical vs. interrogatives and negators. Third-person pronouns (which require an explicit antecedent) also differ significantly from lexical items. Logical-semantic factors may contribute to code-switching restrictions.
Spanish is characterized by number concord in determiner phrases (DPs) and predicate nominals; the plural marker /s/ is attached to all relevant elements in a plural DP. Exceptions to this rule usually involve phonetically motivated processes of /s/-weakening in coda position, and do not result in a functionally different system of plural marking. A distinct pattern is found in two isolated dialects of Spanish spoken in ethnically cohesive Afro-descendent communities where Spanish was originally acquired as a second language by speakers of African languages. In both varieties, characterized by the absence of /s/-reducing phenomena, plural /-s/ tends to be marked only on the first element of plural DPs, usually a determiner. In one of the dialects, spoken in Ecuador, these “stripped plurals” alternate with full multiple plural concord, similar to vernacular Brazilian Portuguese. In the other dialect, spoken in Bolivia, stripped plurals appear to be a recent development, emerging from a more restructured traditional variety in which plural /-s/ was not used at all. A variational analysis of both dialects finds little evidence for spontaneous drift away from canonical multiple plural marking, but rather suggests an evolution from earlier contact-induced interlanguages that exhibited even less systematic plural marking. The appearance of Afro-Hispanic stripped plurals is tentatively correlated with the shift from a depleted definite article system to a configuration more closely resembling modern Spanish. A similar set of circumstances may have contributed to the formation of stripped plurals in vernacular Brazilian Portuguese.
Are there differences in diabetes care between rural and non-rural US adults with diabetes?
Rural Healthy People 2010 includes diabetes as a major health priority, suggesting a possible disparity between diabetes care in rural settings as compared to non-rural locales.
This cross-sectional study using population-based survey data sought to determine if there was a difference in the quality of diabetes care between rural and non-rural US adults (⩾18 years). A diabetes care index was computed from five separate dichotomous care-related variables (HbA1c checked, lipids checked, dilated eye exam, feet checked by health care provider, and diabetes education), with adequate care defined as receiving at least four of these interventions. Multivariate methods were used to detect differences in diabetes care received by individuals living in rural compared to non-rural settings.
Multivariate regression analysis revealed that US adults with diabetes living in rural communities were more likely to receive inadequate care than non-rural residents (OR = 1.205; 95% CI 1.201, 1.209). Rural residents were more likely to receive inadequate diabetes care if they were: <40 years of age, male, Caucasian, not a high school graduate, not partnered, without health insurance, inactive or without an identified health care provider. Those deferring medical care because of cost, or who did not have an annual routine physical or had fewer than two diabetes related office visits annually were also at greater risk for suboptimal care. Routine physical checkups and deferring medical care because of cost had a greater impact on diabetes care for rural adults compared to non-rural adults.
The results of this study indicated that rural residents were less likely to receive adequate diabetes care compared to their non-rural counterparts. The findings suggest that efforts to identify and to address this disparity would likely improve the outcomes for diabetic individuals living in rural communities.
Allelic variation in the gene encoding brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) has been associated with affective disorders, but generally not schizophrenia. Brain-derived neurotrophic factor variants may help clarify the status of schizoaffective disorder.
To test the hypothesis that BDNF haplotypes are associated with psychiatric illness marked by a prominent affective component.
Frequencies of a 5-marker BDNF haplotype were examined in 600 White participants across four diagnostic categories and healthy controls.
Individuals with schizoaffective disorder and other affective disorders were significantly more likely to carry two copies of the most common BDNF haplotype (containing the valine allele of the Val66Met polymorphism) compared with healthy volunteers. Moreover, when compared with people with schizophrenia, individuals with schizoaffective disorder were significantly more likely to carry two copies of the common haplotype.
To our knowledge, this is the first candidate gene study to demonstrate association with schizoaffective disorder but not schizophrenia. Variation in the BDNF gene may be associated with the clinical phenotype of affective dysregulation across several DSM–IV diagnostic categories.
Infections involving skin, soft tissue, bone, or joint (SSTBJ) are common and often require hospitalization. There are currently few published studies on the epidemiology and clinical and economic outcomes of these infections, whether acquired in the community or healthcare setting, in a large population.
To characterize outcomes of culture-proven SSTBJ infection in hospitalized patients, using information from a large database.
We identified patients hospitalized in 134 institutions during 2002-2003 for whom specific International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification diagnosis codes and a culture-positive SSTBJ specimen were recorded. Patients were classified into 4 clinical groups based on the type and clinical severity of infection. Patients in each group were further classified on the basis of whether their infection was community acquired or healthcare associated and whether it was complicated or uncomplicated.
We identified 12,506 patients with culture-positive infections and categorized them as having cellulitis (37.3%), osteomyelitis or septic arthritis (22.4%), surgical wound infection (26.1%), device-associated or prosthesis infection (7.2%), or other SSTBJ infection (6.9%). Monomicrobial infection was reported for 59% of patients, 54.6% of whom had Staphylococcus aureus as the etiologic agent. Of all S. aureus isolates recovered, 1,121 (28.0%) of 4,007 were resistant to methicillin. Healthcare-associated infections accounted for 27.2% of cases and were associated with a significantly greater mortality rate, a longer length of stay, and greater hospital charges, compared with community-acquired infections. Patients with a complicated infection (78.4%) had a significantly greater mortality rate, a longer length of stay, and greater hospital charges, compared with patients with an uncomplicated infection.
SSTBJ infections are frequent among hospitalized patients. S. aureus caused infection in more than 50% of the patients studied, and 28.0% of the S. aureus isolates recovered were resistant to methicillin. Healthcare-associated and complicated infections are associated with a significantly higher mortality rate and more prolonged and expensive hospitalizations. These findings could assist in projects to revise current management strategies in order to optimize outcomes while restraining costs.
This chapter will present historical data on the most significant African populations in Latin America, beginning with the areas in which the largest and linguistically most important concentrations were found during colonial times. These are the regions for which the greatest amount of written descriptions of Africans' speech is available.
Africans in colonial Peru
African slaves and their descendants were found in Peru from the earliest colonial periods to well into postcolonial independence, but the demographic distribution and geographical location varied across time, as did the interaction with speakers of Spanish. The use of African slaves had already been authorized for other areas of Spanish America, to replace dwindling indigenous workers, and African slaves were carried to the highland mines of Bolivia and Peru. Few demographic traces remain of these first African arrivals for several reasons. Nearly all were adult males, who were deprived of opportunities for procreation. Mortality rates were extremely high; the combination of altitude, cold temperatures, inadequate nourishment and harsh working conditions ravaged the slave population. At the same time, more stable nuclei of Africans began arriving in Cuzco and other developing colonial centers such as La Paz. As in other colonial towns, African slaves worked as domestic servants and artisans' assistants, living patterns which were conducive to learning Spanish, and to leaving some linguistic and cultural legacy.
Although Afro-Hispanic language was originally forged in West Africa, Portugal, and southern Spain, it was in Spanish America that successive generations of African-born slaves and free laborers acquired the Spanish language in the most diverse circumstances, and impressed those around them by their approximations to natively spoken Spanish. The earliest Latin American bozal texts come from highland mining regions in Peru, Bolivia, Mexico, and Colombia, and probably owe more to imitation of the already well-established stereotype of the habla de negros in Spain than from actual observation of Africans' speech in the colonies. By the end of the eighteenth century, poets, playwrights, short-story writers, and novelists had accumulated sufficient observational evidence on Afro-Hispanic language as to incorporate plausible (although probably exaggerated) imitations in their literary works. Occasional travelers' accounts, court transcriptions, legal documents, military reports, and sundry letters and testimonies provide non-literary corroboration of bozal language. The trickle of texts antedating the nineteenth century quickly became a torrent of literary, musical, and folkloric production during the nineteenth century, as thousands of Afro-Argentines, Afro-Uruguayans, Afro-Peruvians, Afro-Puerto Ricans, and especially Afro-Cubans took their places in poems, songs, stories, and novels, reflecting demographic events which brought large numbers of African-born slaves to these regions in a relatively short period of time. The present chapter surveys the most salient Afro-Latin American bozal texts as well as various less easily classifiable linguistic byproducts of the African diaspora in Spanish America.
The first Afro-Hispanic texts, sixteenth century: Rodrigo de Reinosa
In Spain, the literary representation of “Africanized” Spanish began early in the sixteenth century, although it is conceivable that some non-surviving texts might have been produced in the late fifteenth century. The earliest examples show the definite traces of the already established Afro-Portuguese language produced by such writers as Gil Vicente. This fact is unremarkable in light of the slave trade from Portugal to southern Spain, in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, although some investigators (e.g. Granda 1969) claim that most Afro-Hispanic literary language, including the earliest texts, stems from direct contact between Spanish and native Africans, without the mediation of pidginized Portuguese. Among the earliest Afro-Hispanic texts are some coplas by Rodrigo de Reinosa (Chapter Three Appendix #1). The poems in question are contained in pamphlets or literatura de cordel, and do not carry a date. Russell (1973) uses indirect evidence to suggest that these coplas may have been written in the last decades of the fifteenth century; in any case, they were written no later than about 1510, which makes them the oldest Afro-Hispanic texts discovered to date. Nothing is known about the life of Rodrigo de Reinosa. Weber de Kurlat (1968) surmises that the “Africanized” coplas were written after the publication of the Cancioneiro geral in 1516. Menéndez y Pelayo surmised that Reinosa was a montañés, from the highlands of modern Santander (Cantabria) province, an idea echoed by Cossío (1950).
The African slave trade, beginning in the fifteenth century, brought African languages into contact with Spanish and Portuguese, resulting in the Africans' gradual acquisition of these languages. In this 2004 book, John Lipski describes the major forms of Afro-Hispanic language found in the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America over the last 500 years. As well as discussing pronunciation, morphology and syntax, he separates legitimate forms of Afro-Hispanic expression from those that result from racist stereotyping, to assess how contact with the African diaspora has had a permanent impact on contemporary Spanish. A principal issue is the possibility that Spanish, in contact with speakers of African languages, may have creolized and restructured - in the Caribbean and perhaps elsewhere - permanently affecting regional and social varieties of Spanish today. The book is accompanied by the largest known anthology of primary Afro-Hispanic texts from Iberia, Latin America, and former Afro-Hispanic contacts in Africa and Asia.
From the second half of the fifteenth century through the end of the nineteenth century, hundreds of thousands of sub-Saharan Africans traveled first to Spain, then to Spanish America. Most were slaves, taken as part of the Atlantic slave trade, which displaced millions of Africans to Europe's New World colonies. In the major cities of Spain, particularly in Andalusia, large slave and later free black populations arose, and in some cities remained as distinct ethnic minorities until the late eighteenth century. In Portugal, black communities and neighborhoods continued to exist until the turn of the twentieth century. In Spanish America, Africans were found in every colony, from the highland mines of Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, and Honduras, to the Argentine pampas, the docks of El Callao, the port attached to Lima, Peru, and the streets of Mexico City. Although demographic merger has blurred the traces of these earliest African arrivals, whose forced immigration reached a peak in the mid-seventeenth century, Spanish America underwent a frenzied importation of African laborers at the turn of the nineteenth century, as part of the sugar plantation boom occasioned by the destruction of the world's richest sugar producer, French Saint-Domingue (soon to become Haiti), and the scramble of the Spanish colonies to enter the lucrative sugar market. In contemporary Latin America, the population of African origin is most noticeable where the last wave of slave arrivals touched shore – in the Caribbean islands, and along the Caribbean and upper Pacific coasts of South America.
Spanish came into contact with a variety of West and Central African languages during a time period stretching across nearly four centuries, under widely varying demographic conditions and sociohistorical circumstances. Many dialects of Spanish were involved, ranging from sixteenth-century Andalusian Spanish, in which the phonological traits that today make this dialect so distinctive were just emerging, to distinctive Caribbean, Andean, and Pacific South American dialects of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, already far evolved from the Peninsular antecedents. Thus the result of Africans' pronunciation of Spanish varied as the Spanish dialects themselves evolved: for example, the product of an Angolan Bantu language and early sixteenth-century Peninsular Spanish were qualitatively different from the product of the same Bantu language and nineteenth-century Cuban or coastal Peruvian Spanish. Even more diverse was the panoply of African languages that ran headlong into Spanish and Portuguese, first in Europe and coastal Africa, then in the Americas. All African language families were implicated; through sheer force of numbers, Bantu languages (stretching from the Gulf of Guinea through southern Africa and around to much of eastern Africa) eventually came to represent the largest single cross-section of African languages, with Kwa languages in second place, and the remainder divided among Kru, Mende, Atlantic, and other smaller groups. Each dyadic contact between a particular African language and a specific spatial/temporal variety of Spanish gave rise to a unique pattern of phonological adaptation, in principle making the totality of Afro-Hispanic phonology as vast as the union of African languages and Spanish dialects over several hundred years.