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Does political participation make a difference for policy responsiveness, or is affluence what matters most? To examine whether participation beyond voting matters for policy representation, we analyze congruence between citizens’ policy preferences and their representatives’ roll call votes using data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. For the main policy issue for which citizens’ political engagement beyond voting enhances congruence—namely, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) of 2010—we then investigate whether this effect holds when taking citizens’ income into account. The findings show that for the ACA, constituents’ participation beyond voting is associated with increased congruence with their representatives at all levels of income, and that those with less income who are politically active beyond voting experience the largest increase in congruence. However, our findings also show that the potential of political participation and income to enhance congruence is restricted to co-partisans, and to highly partisan and salient issues.
Normative democratic theory assumes that political systems should ensure civil, political and social rights, and this claim has become more salient since the economic crisis that began in 2008. This conception of citizenship was developed most prominently by T.H. Marshall (1950), and it has been further elaborated by numerous other authors, resulting in a clear division between procedural/electoral democracy concepts and authors emphasizing egalitarian concepts of democracy. We use latent class analysis to assess democratic ideals among European citizens as reported in the 2012 European Social Survey. The findings demonstrate that a majority of Europeans consider political and social rights as equally important, while some citizens predominantly emphasize either political or social rights. Furthermore, the focus on social rights is not limited to those with left-leaning ideologies. Considering current manifestations of discontent about the politics of austerity, we discuss the implications of social citizenship concepts for democratic legitimacy in Europe.
This chapter examines how policy analysis has evolved in Israel over time in relation to governmental public administration. The main question we will address is how policy is formulated and policy-making capabilities have evolved over time in Israel, despite the relative dearth of policy analysis as formalised practice in the public sector. We address this question by examining governmental public administration in its broadest meaning, focusing mainly on the civil service for which government ministers have ministerial responsibility.
The civil service is first and foremost a state institution, and due to its permanence and continuity it is in some ways even more representative of ‘the state’ than elected institutions. In the Israeli context this raises several questions: is the weakening of the state also evident in the civil service? Has the relationship between the civil service and the political echelon changed over time? Is the Israeli civil service capable of making an autonomous, professional contribution to better policy-making?
Since the governmental civil service plays a key institutional role in making and executing policy decisions, this chapter begins by examining the evolution of its role and functioning. We first review the basic elements of public administration in Israel, and then contextualise this description in comparative perspective in order to assess the changes that have taken place in Israel since the founding of the state. Subsequently, we review shifting sector boundaries between the public, private and civic spheres. A consideration of these boundaries provides the context of the trend toward privatisation, meaning the shifting of responsibility from the governmental–public sector to other spheres. To consider privatisation and its limits, two cases in the 2000s are considered – the attempt to start the privatisation of the prison system, and the tender for international consultants to outline a strategic plan for Israel's socio-economic future. Since these cases are so recent to the time of this writing, the assessment of their ultimate impact on policy change is necessarily speculative in nature. These examples, however, serve as useful windows for gaining insight about key factors that have influenced the evolution of policy analysis in Israel, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future.
Welfare states have faced difficulties in integrating immigrants and in dealing successfully with issues of poverty and deprivation among members of this social group. In fact, this is the case even in those European welfare states that have the most generous welfare regimes. An alternative to the immigrant policies adopted in most welfare states is the categorical immigration policy that characterises the Israeli welfare state. This case is particularly interesting in that immigrants to Israel fare almost as well or better than veteran populations on a number of economic parameters. The goal of this chapter is to explore the contours of the unique immigration policy model adopted in Israel as a contribution to our understanding of the link between immigration and social policies in European welfare states.
Scholars have used a number of different comparative theoretical frameworks in order to examine the link between immigration and social policy. First, research regarding the impact of migration on the welfare state focused on aggregated welfare state contours (Freeman, 1986) as well as the fiscal implications of immigration due to the consumption of services and benefits by immigrants (Castranova et al, 2001; Borjas, 2002; Hanson et al, 2002; Coleman and Rowthorn, 2004; Nannestad, 2007). Second, a historical comparative approach aimed to learn from similarities and differences in immigration policies and immigrants’ social rights in different countries over time (Ongley and Pearson, 1995; Freeman and Birrell, 2001; Fix, 2002; Castles and Miller, 2003). Third, the notion of regime (Esping-Andersen, 1990, 1999; Arts and Gelissen, 2002) has been employed to identify various immigration regimes regarding both the right to migrate (Baldwin-Edwards, 1991; Soysal, 1994) as well as immigrants’ access to welfare state programmes (Dorr and Faist, 1997; Banting, 2000; Bambra, 2005; Hjerm, 2005; Morissens and Sainsbury, 2005; Sainsbury, 2006).
Building on this body of literature, the conceptual framework utilised here is an historical institutional analysis, an approach that has been a dominant force in the theoretical literature on social policy for well over a decade (Starke, 2006). Specifically, the interplay over time between two institutional levels is examined: the right of immigrants to achieve legal residence and the additional conditions that determine access to social rights (Sainsbury, 2006).
A prominent form of voluntary organization in the United States from the nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, fraternal associations are self-selecting brotherhoods and sisterhoods that provide mutual aid to members, enact group rituals, and engage in community service. Synthesizing primary and secondary evidence, this article documents that African Americans historically organized large numbers of translocal fraternal voluntary federations. Some black fraternal associations paralleled white groups, while others were distinctive to African Americans. In regions where blacks lived in significant numbers, African Americans often created more fraternal lodges per capita than whites; and women played a much more prominent role in African American fraternalism than they did in white fraternalism. Rivaling churches as community institutions, many black fraternal federations became active in struggles for equal civil rights.
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