Introduction

Young people's lives are construed as almost synonymous with ‘risk’ and risk taking (Mitchell et al, 2001). It is well accepted that the transition from childhood to adolescence is marked by the forging of greater levels of independence (Jessor and Jessor, 1977; Lyng, 1990; Smith and Rosenthal, 1995; Shucksmith and Hendry, 1998; Coleman and Hendry, 1999; Farthing, 2005). The lifestyle changes that accompany this independence may result in exposure to a broader range of risks, including both behavioural and environmental risks (Millstein and Halpern-Felsher, 2002a). Adolescence is a period of enhanced risk taking and boundary testing and is typically coupled with feelings of invulnerability. Rarely, however, are understandings of youth activities located in young people's everyday lives and the wider arenas in which young people live their lives.

Academic and policy concerns with risk and young people typically centre on negative health behaviours such as smoking, drinking, drug use and sexual activity (Shucksmith and Hendry, 1998; Shucksmith, 2004). As young people move towards adulthood there can indeed be engagement in risk behaviours such as experimentation with illegal substances and exploring sexual relationships (Plant and Plant, 1992). Thus, much health information and policy intervention work concentrates on ways of diverting and halting these behaviours. There are, however, limits to which social policy health agendas embrace the broader social, cultural and economic milieux of young people's lives. Mitchell et al (2001) conclude from their research on risk and young men and young mothers: ‘It is important to recognise the difficulty and one-dimensionality of trying to isolate particular risks, such as health risks within young people's multi-dimensional lives’ (Mitchell et al, 2001, p 218). They stress that they are ‘often interwoven and experienced collectively’ (p 218). Hence they highlight the importance of exploring young people's everyday accounts of risk and risk taking, within the broader social and economic contexts in which they live.

Another important point is that we rarely hear young people's versions of how they comprehend their own risk worlds and risk-taking behaviour (McWhirter and South, 2004). Shucksmith and Hendry (1998, p 2) have argued that most of our views on risk and health behaviour are shaped by adult views of what is ‘risky’ for young people and not enough attention has been paid to the views and agendas of young people themselves.