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We aimed to profile vegetable consumption and its association with dietary and sociodemographic factors.
Secondary analysis of a nationally representative nutrition survey. ‘Vegetables’ refers to non-discretionary ‘vegetables and legumes/beans’ as defined by the Australian Dietary Guidelines (ADG). Prevalence of vegetable consumption, frequency of intake, proportion meeting ADG recommendations, most popular food groups, intake at each reported eating occasion, and the profile of high and low vegetable consumers (based on the median servings) were determined.
Australian 2011–2012 National Nutrition and Physical Activity Survey.
Children and adolescents aged 2 to 18 years (n 2812).
Vegetables were consumed by 83·0% (95% CI 81·6, 84·4%) of participants, but the median vegetable servings was less than a third of the ADG recommendations. ‘Leaf and stalk vegetables’ and ‘potatoes’ were the most popular vegetable-dense food groups at lunch and dinner, respectively. Sixty-four percent had vegetables once a day, and predominantly at dinner. Vegetable frequency was positively associated with daily vegetable servings and variety. Participants who consumed vegetables twice a day generally had vegetables at both lunch and dinner and had nearly double the servings (2·6, sd 1·9) of those who consumed them once (1·5, sd 1·5). High vegetable consumers were older, had higher total energy, but lower discretionary energy intake and were less likely to be at risk of metabolic complications.
Increasing the frequency of vegetable consumption may assist with increasing daily vegetable servings. A focus on consuming vegetables at lunch may assist with increasing both total servings and variety.
We study the propagation of water waves over a ridge structured at the subwavelength scale using homogenization techniques able to account for its finite extent. The calculations are conducted in the time domain considering the full three-dimensional problem to capture the effects of the evanescent field in the water channel over the structured ridge and at its boundaries. This provides an effective two-dimensional wave equation which is a classical result but also non-intuitive transmission conditions between the region of the ridge and the surrounding regions of constant immersion depth. Numerical results provide evidence that the scattering properties of a structured ridge can be strongly influenced by the evanescent fields, a fact which is accurately captured by the homogenized model.
We have performed direct numerical simulations of compressible turbulent channel flow using R-134a as a working fluid in transcritical temperature ranges (
, 10 and 20 K, where
is top-to-bottom temperature difference) at supercritical pressure. At these conditions, a pseudophase change occurs at various wall-normal locations within the turbulent channel from
K) to 0.89 (
is the channel half-height and
the centreplane position. Increase in
also results in increasing wall-normal gradients in the semi-local friction Reynolds number. Classical, compressible scaling laws of the mean velocity profile are unable to fully collapse real fluid effects in this flow. The proximity to the pseudotransitioning layer inhibits turbulent velocity fluctuations, while locally enhancing the temperature and density fluctuation intensities. Probability distribution analysis reveals that the sheet of fluid undergoing pseudophase change is characterized by a dramatic reduction in the kurtosis of density fluctuations, hence becoming thinner as
is increased. Instantaneous visualizations show dense fluid ejections from the pseudoliquid viscous sublayer, some reaching the channel core, causing positive values of density skewness in the respective buffer layer region (vice versa for the top wall) and an impoverishment of the turbulent flow structure population near pseudotransitioning conditions.
To profile discretionary food and beverage (DF) consumption among Australian adults.
Cross-sectional analysis. Dietary and sociodemographic data were used to profile DF intake. Prevalence of DF consumption, DF servings (1 serving=600 kJ), nutrient contribution from DF and top DF food groups by self-reported eating occasions were determined. DF consumers (>0 g) were classified according to quartile of DF intake and general linear models adjusted for age and sex were used to determine associations.
2011–12 National Nutrition and Physical Activity Survey (NNPAS).
Adults aged ≥19 years (n 9341) who participated in the NNPAS 2011–12.
Most adults consumed DF (98 %) and over 60 % exceeded 3 DF servings/d, with a mean of 5·0 (se 0·0) DF servings/d. Cakes, muffins, scones, cake-type desserts contributed the most DF energy (8·4 %) of all food groups, followed by wines (8·1 %), pastries (8·0 %) and beers (6·1 %), with all these food groups consumed in large portions (2·3–3·0 DF servings). Lunch and dinner together contributed 45 % of total DF energy intake. High DF consumers had an average of 10 DF servings, and this group contained more younger adults, males, low socio-economic status, lower usual fruit intake and higher mean waist circumference, but not higher BMI.
A focus on DF consumed in large portions at lunch and dinner may help improve interventions aimed at reducing DF intake and addressing negative adiposity-related measures found in high DF consumers.
This article sheds light on the pending affirmative action lawsuit filed by Asian American plaintiffs against Harvard University by providing a brief history of how Asian Americans have been figured (and have figured themselves) in U.S. Supreme Court jurisprudence on race-conscious admissions in higher education. It shows that the figuration of Asian Americans has played a critical role in the legal-ideological project of despecifying Black subjection and disavowing racial positionality in the U.S. social order, from Bakke to the present, and argues that a new ‘sociometry’ of race is necessary to help us understand and challenge persistent structures of racial power.
Although minerals are linked to several reproductive outcomes, it is unknown whether dietary minerals are associated with ovulatory function. We hypothesised that low intakes of minerals would be associated with an increased risk of anovulation. We investigated associations between dietary mineral intake and both reproductive hormones and anovulation in healthy women in the BioCycle Study, which prospectively followed up 259 regularly menstruating women aged 18–44 years who were not taking mineral supplements for two menstrual cycles. Intakes of ten selected minerals were assessed through 24-h dietary recalls at up to four times per cycle in each participant. Oestradiol, progesterone, luteinising hormone (LH), follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), sex-hormone-binding globulin and testosterone were measured in serum up to eight times per cycle. We used weighted linear mixed models to evaluate associations between minerals and hormones and generalised linear models for risk of anovulation. Compared with Na intake ≥1500 mg, Na intake <1500 mg was associated with higher levels of FSH (21·3 %; 95 % CI 7·5, 36·9) and LH (36·8 %; 95 % CI 16·5, 60·5) and lower levels of progesterone (−36·9 %; 95 % CI −56·5, −8·5). Na intake <1500 mg (risk ratio (RR) 2·70; 95 % CI 1·00, 7·31) and Mn intake <1·8 mg (RR 2·00; 95 % CI 1·02, 3·94) were associated with an increased risk of anovulation, compared with higher intakes, respectively. Other measured dietary minerals were not associated with ovulatory function. As essential minerals are mostly obtained via diet, our results comparing insufficient levels with sufficient levels highlight the need for future research on dietary nutrients and their associations with ovulatory cycles.
To evaluate the appropriateness of the screening strategy for healthcare personnel (HCP) during a hospital-associated Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) outbreak, we performed a serologic investigation in 189 rRT-PCR–negative HCP exposed and assigned to MERS patients. Although 20%–25% of HCP experienced MERS-like symptoms, none of them showed seroconversion by plaque reduction neutralization test (PRNT).
A Western diet induces insulin resistance, liver steatosis (non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD)) and intestinal dysbiosis, leading to increased gut permeability and bacterial translocation, thus contributing to the progression of NAFLD to non-alcoholic steatohepatitis. In the present study, we sought, in a model of Western diet-induced NAFLD, to determine whether citrulline (Cit), an amino acid that regulates protein and energy metabolism, could decrease Western diet-induced liver injuries, as well as the mechanisms involved. Sprague–Dawley rats were fed a high-fat diet (45 %) and fructose (30 %) in drinking water or a control diet associated with water (group C) for 8 weeks. The high-fat, high-fructose diet (Western diet) was fed either alone (group WD) or with Cit (1 g/kg per d) (group WDC) or an isonitrogenous amount of non-essential amino acids (group WDA). We evaluated nutritional and metabolic status, liver function, intestinal barrier function, gut microbiota and splanchnic inflammatory status. Cit led to a lower level of hepatic TAG restricted to microvesicular lipid droplets and to a lower mRNA expression of CCAAT-enhancer-binding protein homologous protein, a marker of endoplasmic reticulum stress, of pro-inflammatory cytokines Il6 (P<0·05) and Tnfα, and of toll-like receptor 4 (Tlr4) (P<0·05). Cit also improved plasma TAG and insulin levels. In the colon, it decreased inflammation (Tnfα and Tlr4 expressions) and increased claudin-1 protein expression. This was associated with higher levels of Bacteroides/Prevotella compared with rats fed the Western diet alone. Cit improves Western diet-induced liver injuries via decreased lipid deposition, increased insulin sensitivity, lower inflammatory process and preserved antioxidant status. This may be related in part to its protective effects at the gut level.
The issue is not culture but a degrading human tradition, from Ming Lee to KFC, that ... needs to be changed.
– United Poultry Concerns
Animal advocates in San Francisco have challenged the way Chinatown’s live animal vendors keep and kill animals, arguing that cruelty is something “you know when you see it.” Positing the prohibition against cruelty as a universal value and appealing to a least common denominator of public belief are strategies that date back at least to the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in the 1830s, the first organized animal advocacy group to emerge in the United States. What becomes clear in the course of struggle in San Francisco is the difficulty of reaching a legally and politically actionable consensus on what constitutes cruelty toward animals, in large part because there is little formal institutional acknowledgment of the notion that animals are morally considerable at all. The argument from the universal, in any case, promptly triggered a counterargument from the particular, as Chinese American business advocates and community leaders claimed that they were being targeted because they are racially different. The optic of cruelty foregrounds animal suffering and backgrounds questions of racism, and the optic of racism (discussed in the next chapter) does the reverse.
In this chapter, I begin with a brief discussion of what Americans make of animals, animal usage, and animal activists at the turn of the millennium. I then turn to the Chinatown live animal market campaign and trace its development from approximately 1995 to 2006, paying particular attention to how the optic of cruelty was articulated and deployed and to what effect. By looking closely at the origins of the campaign, we can evaluate the charge made by many Chinese American activists that the campaign was racially motivated. The overall narrative of the campaign also speaks to the complications involved in advocating for “lesser” animals like birds, fish, turtles, and frogs; the dynamics of cooperation and conflict among animal advocacy groups; and the challenges of negotiating the institutional terrain of San Francisco politics. Unlikely and hard-fought victories are won again and again by animal advocates in different venues, but a confluence of political and institutional factors ensures that little changes in the actual lives of animals as a result.
We may disagree with some aspect of their [minority cultures’] moral, ethical, or evaluative practices without dismissing or holding in disrespect their life-worlds altogether. Most human encounters ... occur in this in-between space of partial evaluations, translations, and contestations.
– Seyla Benhabib
In the Chinatown live animal market conflict, the optics of cruelty, racism, and ecological harm highlight and challenge (or purport to challenge) different dimensions of power – human domination over animals, white domination over the Chinese, and human domination over nature, respectively. Each optic directs our focus to a specific issue in a particular way, even as it necessarily diverts our attention away from other concerns. Single-optic vision of this kind tends to lead in the course of political struggle to a posture of mutual disavowal, where each group elevates its own suffering and justice claims over the suffering and justice claims of the other group, either partly or wholly invalidating the latter as a matter of political and moral concern. Disavowal, an act of dis-association and rejection, can range from failing to recognize that one is causing harm to the other group to refusing to acknowledge that the other group suffers or has valid justice claims to actively and knowingly reproducing patterns of social injury to the other group.
The posture of mutual disavowal is unsurprising in one sense: politics as a struggle over scarce resources (material, symbolic, and other) is by its very nature oppositional – one is always mobilizing for and therefore against something, so disavowing an opponent’s claims and perspective is par for the course. The rub arises when one is mobilizing not against an oppressive majority but rather against another subordinated group (or, in the case of animal advocates, those representing a subordinated group). If we believe that justice requires the mitigation or cessation of various forms of social domination, the possible implications of disavowal here should give us pause.
When you target just Chinese merchants, you have to be out of your mind not to see it is racially motivated.
– Supervisor Leland Yee
The live animal market conflict emerged just as the Chinese American community in San Francisco was reaching for meaningful political power. A significant presence in the city for a century and a half, the Chinese community survived the Exclusion era (1882–1943) to be reinvigorated by post-1965 waves of immigration from throughout the Chinese diaspora. Global political and economic developments powerfully influenced Chinatown and Chinese San Francisco more broadly during this period, shaping the flow and composition of migration as well as the circulation of capital and goods (including animals and animal parts). By the mid-1990s, Chinese San Francisco was vibrant, diverse, and complex, fractured by class, national origin, language, and politics even as it was stitched together by an enduring identification as a distinct cultural and racial group. With dramatic population growth and dispersal beyond Chinatown into the far reaches of San Francisco, Chinese Americans made significant gains in terms of political representation at both the local and state levels, securing the ultimate prize of the mayor’s office in 2011.
The live animal market campaign was one of several issues Chinese American leaders used during the late 1990s and early 2000s to build community or mobilize their fractious population into a reliable political base. Advancing the optic of racism – uniquely resonant in San Francisco because of its distinctive history of anti-Chinese persecution – Chinese leaders argued that the animal campaign was racially motivated and thus threatening not only to Chinese live animal vendors and Chinatown residents but to all Chinese Americans throughout the Bay Area and indeed the nation. The appropriate response, they insisted, was community mobilization, self-defense, and empowerment – that is, to circle the wagons around the live animal vendors and understand that what happened to them happened to the whole Chinese American community. Intent on casting the vendors as innocent victims of racism, Chinese American activists openly declared their belief in human supremacy and peremptorily dismissed the issue of animal cruelty. The optic of racism cast shadows even as it illuminated.
There seems to be abundant evidence that these animals [imported turtles and frogs] are more ... than a threat. There seems to be no reason that we should allow these things into the state.
– Fish and Game Commissioner Mike Sutton
When it became clear that the San Francisco Board of Supervisors would not enact the Commission on Animal Control and Welfare’s proposed ban on the sale of live animals, animal advocates pursued their cause in the courts and in the California legislature, as discussed in Chapter 3. They also approached the California Fish and Game Commission (FGC), an advisory body to the California Department of Fish and Game, the entity charged with stewardship over the state’s natural resources. Setting aside the argument about cruelty, which was beyond the purview of the Fish and Game Commission, animal advocates advanced an optic of ecological harm, arguing that turtles and frogs imported for food sometimes get released or otherwise escape into the wild, where they act as invasive species who harm native species of frogs and turtles through predation, competition, and disease. The Fish and Game Commission could fix the problem, according to animal advocates, by passing a ban on the importation of live turtles and frogs for food. When Chinese American activists once again invoked the optic of racism, the question became the degree to which this state body located in Sacramento would be insulated from the Chinese American political clout that had stymied local efforts against the markets. In the tradition of commissions, the Fish and Game Commission held public hearings, consulted scientific experts, and debated the matter on and off for thirteen years before finally recommending an importation ban in the spring of 2010. But in the end, Chinese Americans had enough political power to prevent the enactment of this ban as well.