This chapter examines the reception of romance in medieval Italy, focusing on the way in which Italian writers engaged with the form and content of the genre. It examines different modes of adaptation through the lens of three texts from different Italian-speaking communities and time periods. Firstly, the Franco-Venetian Prophecies de Merlin demonstrates the hybrid character of Italian romance, which combines French and Italian language and perspectives – in this case, to incorporate Italian interests in political prophecy into the Arthurian story. The Tuscan Tavola Ritonda characterizses Italian-vernacular adaptations of French prose cycles, combining ideals of chivalric heroism with civic values to resignify Tristan’s status as the perfect knight. Finally, the late medieval Ferrarese L’Inamoramento de Orlando by Matteo Maria Boiardo draws on the Italian cantari in its incorporation of romance themes and forms alongside chanson de geste. Italian medieval romance emerges as a malleable and porous genre that is always in dialogue with other genres and cultural perspectives.

The study of paratexts in medieval and early-modern books in manuscript and print is far from a recent phenomenon in scholarship. But it is fair to say that the materiality of the book as an object of study is currently surfing a rising swell of popularity amongst both literary scholars and historians, who see it as a tangible means by which to trace and track matters of reception and readerly taste, thus allowing them to take their study beyond the mere evaluation of the content and form of the text itself. Gérard Genette famously coined the term ‘paratext’ to describe extra-textual matter that forms a type of threshold (seuil, in the original French) through which readers can step in order to experience a deeper understanding of the text proper. Scholars, he argues, can follow in their footsteps and cross these thresholds so as to gain a greater understanding of the nature of these previous readers’ engagement with the text. There is not sufficient space here to do justice to the many different facets of paratextual and materiality studies of the sort that have arisen in the wake of Genette's seminal work, which pertains as much to modern textual studies as it does to pre-modern, but some of the key areas of fascination can be summarised as follows: marginalia added by readers as keys to nuancing our understanding of reception (as well as more mundane matters such as ownership); prefaces and prologues as indexes of rewriting and motivation for publication; illustration and word/image connections as clues to the target reader's understanding and comprehension of the text, as well as to that reader's likely cultural knowledge; developing practices of book layout and finding-aid provision as insights into both historical reading practice and reading skills development, as well as changing use of, and even taste for, particular texts. The list could, of course, go on, but it is in this last area, layout and finding-aid provision, that this article finds its locus.

The study of the history of the book in this context might most profitably be seen as tracing and understanding the development of a particular technology, the book itself being that technology. Like all technology, it undergoes regular updates so as to remain operational to users as their own needs change and develop.

Prologue

[145] At the beginning of the world, once God had created man and woman and provided them with all that they could desire, very soon thereafter His peace was broken and war – so contrary to all natural order – broke out between those natural allies and brothers, Cain and Abel. And as the second chapter of the book of Genesis explains, that war stemmed from envy. Genesis shows therefore how the birth of that dreadful scourge was occasioned and triggered and begun by a single person, and yet, over time, it spread prolifically, and multiplied as the generations grew and multiplied. And hence discord and dissension took hold in all parts of the world, and though it might seem to have disappeared in certain places, that is compensated for by renewed and prolonged war elsewhere, for war can take hold just as well between the worthy as between the wicked – and while we should stress that no-one is worthy if he declares war unprovoked, he cannot be condemned if he pursues war in defence of a rightful cause. It was for this reason that the most excellent and most noble order of knighthood was established, in order to protect, safeguard, and defend the common people who are always the most damaged by the perils of war. This means that all good and valiant knights, soldiers, and captains should rely for victory not only on strength [146] of numbers but also on subtlety and due prudence – which, as we read in much of the Bible and especially in the Book of Kings, were what allowed the Israelites to subjugate and subdue large numbers of Philistines and other aliens. What enabled the Israelites to do this was the sagacity and calculation of their commanders, and above all God's help – which should be cited first, for to Him all manner of men should address themselves.

My intention, with God's help, is to write a little treatise, in the form of a story, to inspire all men, and especially those who pursue the extraordinary adventures of a life of war, to seek always to do good and to enhance their fortitude.

[693] There follows here the commentary on Le Jouvencel, a text written in honour of God and the Virgin Mary, and of my lord St Michael the angel, to whom I pray that they afford me the time to complete my work in all truthfulness, as an example of how to conduct oneself in both war and in peace, and because the said Jouvencel is written in a strange and surprising mode and is intended to advise young men-at-arms to behave with wisdom, loyalty, and prudence. For provided that war is undertaken in good faith and for a good cause, in such circumstances I consider that it is just and pleasing to God to oppose tyrants and those who seek to seize the possessions of others merely to enhance their conceit and their prestige; it is for these reasons that I know that the book of Le Jouvencel is written to maintain right and to support a just cause, and that the matters that are recounted here are recorded only for that purpose, and never to endorse war engaged in support of tyranny, or for the sake of personal reputation, vainglory, or mere greed. And according to the reports of many good captains and companions who followed a career in arms and saw the majority of things recorded in the book called Le Jouvencel by Jean Tibergeau, lord of La Motte, Martin Morin, and Master Nicole Riolay, servants of my lord of Bueil, my master and theirs, and also according to the reports of valiant men who witnessed the war and spoke about what they had seen, these three men wrote the things recorded in Le Jouvencel to the best of their abilities and as truthfully as they could.

It is true, of course, that the love affair between Jouvencel and the daughter of King Amydas is a fiction; Jouvencel's adherents did not wish to portray Jouvencel as a tyrant or to have him become a great lord or a prince simply through tyranny, for [694] their book is a paean to justice and equity; marriage was the only way in which the young man could become a lord or a prince, for he was merely a poor young knight.

Prologue [171] The first part of this book has dealt with Jouvencel's personal conduct, and has left aside his conduct when in command of others; now we turn to the second part which will deal with his economic conduct, the middle category that allowed him to rise from low estate to high. This part will be longer and more complex than the first, and this for two main reasons.

The first concerns the natural energy with which all men, and even beasts, pursue their advantage and reach their highest goals. As the Philosopher says in his Of the Generation and Corruption of Natural Things, even the dumb beasts understand what is useful to them, and what is harmful, so that they need little instruction. But when it comes to command, and to having government over others, there is great need of education and reason. To govern requires a clear understanding of those governed, be they men or beasts. This is why, once his chicks hatch, the crow recognizes that they are different from him in that as yet they have no feathers, and are not black as he is – so he fears they aren't his, and abandons them until eight days later, leaving them with no food other than [172] thin air. But once their plumage comes in and he can see their parentage, he recognizes them for his own and is more solicitous of them than are other birds of their own fledglings. Just so, anyone who has authority and command over others, be they men or dumb beasts, should ensure that they understand their charges before taking command. This is something that is best proved by the individual in charge of, and therefore communicating with, a company of those of lesser, or comparable, rank to himself. And in such a case, it is common to see someone of low estate, but possessing good sense and aptitude, rise to a state of perfection. For they communicate with ease with those of their own rank, and can learn to understand the condition of others; by this means they come to understand the nature of command and are appointed, or elected, to such a role. This was the way in which, in the ancient world, for the public good, the Romans appointed governors and administrators who were chosen by election.

Le Jouvencel has, until recently, remained a shadowy presence in the canon of late medieval chivalric biographies and treatises. The great historical studies of chivalry make just passing reference to Le Jouvencel and there are only a handful of dedicated studies. This can be explained in part by the lack of a modern, reliable edition: that by Lecestre and Favre, first done in the 1880s and very much of its time, was available only in libraries, and remained difficult to access until the publication of Slatkine’s facsimile in 1996. But the text has perhaps also suffered from being difficult to categorize: was it history or fiction? Biography or autobiography? Romance or military memoir?

Michelle Szkilnik's extensive research on the text, culminating in her new edition, has inspired a flourishing of interest in Le Jouvencel. She was kind enough to invite us to translate the text into English, enabling us to bring this important text by Jean de Bueil for the first time to an English-speaking audience. This has been a challenging task: Bueil was a professional soldier, fluent in the technical language of warfare. We have therefore needed recourse to a group of helpful – indispensable – experts to whom we are extremely grateful. In the first instance, of course, Professor Szkilnik herself: she has been extraordinarily generous not only in inviting us to translate Le Jouvencel, but also in answering queries and offering suggestions. We ourselves, and the whole scholarly world, have good reason to be grateful to her for her determined and imaginative work on a text much less well-known than it should be.

Professor Clifford Rogers, of West Point Military Academy, has been a patient and generous adviser, with an unrivalled knowledge of siege engines and techniques, catapults and cannons. Dr Ralph Moffat, Curator of European Arms and Armour, Glasgow Museums, has invaluable expertise in both French and English sources for arms and armour, tournaments and trials by battle; he is thus uniquely able to identify and to translate a professional vocabulary, and has been just as generous with his time.

Prologue

Having fully completed the second part of the present book, which touches on Jouvencel’s governance in that middle estate known as economic, there remains the third and last part which will discuss Jouvencel's governance in that highest of all estates which Aristotle calls political, and which will deal with his rule in and organization of the kingdom of Amydoine. It should be no surprise that Jouvencel rose to that high and political estate, given his excellent career thus far and his abilities, as we have seen in the first two books that discussed his conduct in the two estates I have already discussed, the monostic and the economic. For as the philosopher says, a good beginning is half the battle.

In all affairs, the most important thing is to have a good beginning – and a fortiori, anyone having a good beginning and good attributes is naturally likely to attain to power and authority over others. As Aristotle also says, men of high and elevated understanding and virtue are by nature inclined and disposed to hold power and lordship over others. Jouvencel was virtuous and far-seeing: he has always conducted and governed himself virtuously in all his affairs, as we have already described.

Chapter 1

After the king of Amydoine had given his son Jouvencel the letter of authorization, for which he gave humble thanks, Jouvencel took his leave of the king, the queen, and his wife and returned to his own companions who were delighted to see him. [406] He showed them the letter of authorization that he’d brought, and described the welcome vouchsafed him by the king and the queen; he told them about his wife, and could not have been more enthusiastic about the whole situation. He discovered that three of Duke Baudouin's captains had arrived that very evening: Guillaume Bouqueton, a certain Herland, and Guillaume Bernard who had been taken prisoner at Crathor and who was a notorious braggart. Jouvencel welcomed them with open arms, given the pains they’d taken to join him. He also sent warm thanks to Duke Baudouin for the efforts he had made to send them; all Jouvencel himself had done was send a letter to the duke, and another to Guillaume Bouqueton.

Le Jouvencelis a chivalric narrative that was probably written in the second half of the 1460s. It recounts the military career of a young nobleman identified only as Jouvencel (Young Man), a nickname given to him by his fellow soldiers. The story describes his military exploits as a young squire learning how to lead men, and traces his rise through the military ranks, culminating in command of a great expedition to the kingdom of Amydoine where he marries a foreign princess and is appointed regent.

The text is a ‘roman-à-clef ‘, that is to say a story that hides real history behind the façade of fiction. Much of the tale was inspired by real events during the final four decades of the Hundred Years War (1337–1453), though the identities of real people and places were concealed by false names. The author was one of the most prominent French military commanders of the period, Jean V de Bueil (1406–78). He imagined Le Jouvencel as a book that would inspire young aristocrats to undertake a career in arms and teach them the art of warfare. The story presented an idealized model of the perfect military career, and this was supported by a series of digressions in which the narrator and various characters offered advice on a series of subjects that were essential for a military commander, including strategy, tactics in battle and at sieges, campaign logistics, the laws of war including safe-conducts, ransoming, and the distribution of booty, and the management of disputes and judicial combats. With its blend of exciting chivalric narrative and informative discussions of technical and ethical questions, Le Jouvencel was the culmination of fifteenth-century French efforts to write military manuals for young aristocrats intent upon a career as professional soldiers.

The story

Le Jouvencel was not a traditional chivalric story of knight errantry and courtly love. During one of the military expeditions, two soldiers did take advantage, we are told, of a brief lull in the fighting to talk about love. But in general, such romantic notions had little place in a narrative that focused on warfare and combat.

[123] Here there begins the table of this present book, entitled Le Jouvencel; it is newly composed and compiled by a wise and honourable knight, to inspire courage and bravery in all young men who are ready and eager to embrace the honourable style and exercise of arms – through which exercise he who is expert and acts uprightly and justly can ensure his own salvation. This book is divided into three main parts, thus mirroring the three ways of life prescribed by moral philosophy as set out by Nicole Oresme in his translation of Aristotle's Ethics: the three sciences, personal (or monostic), economic, and political.

Part I

The first part, the personal, speaks of the conduct of the individual; the second, the economic, of the conduct of the individual in relation to his family and his household; the third, the political, of the conduct proper to princes and captains who are charged with the governance of countries and peoples. And each of these three parts is divided into chapters, as follows.

The first chapter of the first part, that relating to the individual, explains how the wise knight who is the author of the present work dedicates it to God and to His saints, and explains when he embarked on this book. It tells how the knight, while on an obligatory journey, passed under safe-conduct through a particular country which had been ravaged and devastated by war; in this country there were a number of rather dilapidated castles and fortresses, among which two, one called Luc and the other Verset, had long been at enmity with each other.

Chapter 2 describes the way of life of the inhabitants of Luc, and recounts how the knight spent some time in the castle to study their behaviour and the ways in which they pursued their feats of arms [124]. Among the inhabitants was an impoverished young gentleman who in spite of his noble bearing was poorly dressed and had no horse – not even an ass – so was obliged to go on foot; in time, however, his valour and his wisdom would lead him to achieve honour and lordship.