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Annually dated ice cores from West and East Antarctica provide proxies for past changes in atmospheric circulation over Antarctica and portions of the Southern Ocean, temperature in coastal West and East Antarctica, and the frequency of South Polar penetration of El Niño events. During the period AD 1700–1850, atmospheric circulation over the Antarctic and at least portions of the Southern Hemisphere underwent a mode switch departing from the out-of-phase alternation of multi-decadal long phases of EOF1 and EOF2 modes of the 850 hPa field over the Southern Hemisphere (as defined in the recent record by Thompson and Wallace, 2000; Thompson and Solomon, 2002) that characterizes the remainder of the 700 year long record. From AD 1700 to 1850, lower-tropospheric circulation was replaced by in-phase behavior of the Amundsen Sea Low component of EOF2 and the East Antarctic High component of EOF1. During the first phase of the mode switch, both West and East Antarctic temperatures declined, potentially in response to the increased extent of sea ice surrounding both regions. At the end of the mode switch, West Antarctic coastal temperatures rose and East Antarctic coastal temperatures fell, respectively, to their second highest and lowest of the record. Polar penetration of El Niño events increased during the mode switch. The onset of the AD 1700–1850 mode switch coincides with the extreme state of the Maunder Minimum in solar variability. Late 20th-century West Antarctic coastal temperatures are the highest in the record period, and East Antarctic coastal temperatures close to the lowest. Since AD 1700, extratropical regions of the Southern Hemisphere have experienced significant climate variability coincident with changes in both solar variability and greenhouse gases.
The objective of this report was to show how the Center for Humanitarian Emergencies (the Center) at Emory University (Atlanta, Georgia USA) has trained graduate students to respond to complex humanitarian emergencies (CHEs) through innovative educational programs, with the goal of increasing the number of trained humanitarian workers. Natural disasters are on the rise with more than twice as many occurring from 2000-2009 as there were from 1980-1989. In 2012 alone, 144 million people were affected by a natural disaster or displaced by conflict worldwide. This has created an immense need for trained humanitarian workers to respond effectively to such disasters. The Center has developed a model for educational programming that targets learners along an educational continuum ranging from the undergraduate level through continuing professional education. These programs, based in the Rollins School of Public Health (RSPH) of Emory University, include: a competency-based graduate certificate program (the Certificate) in humanitarian emergencies; a fellowship program for mid-career professionals; and funded field practica. The competency-based Certificate program began in 2010 with a cohort of 14 students. Since then, 101 students have received the Certificate with 50 more due for completion in 2016 and 2017 combined. The fellowship program for mid-career professionals has hosted four fellows from conflict-affected or resource-poor countries, who have then gone on to assume leadership positions with humanitarian organizations. From 2009-2015, the field practicum program supported 34 students in international summer practicum experiences related to emergency response or preparedness. Students have participated in summer field experiences on every continent but Australia. Together the Certificate, funded field practicum opportunities, and the fellowship comprise current efforts in providing innovative education and training for graduate and post-graduate students of public health in humanitarian response. These modest efforts are just the beginning in terms of addressing the global shortage of skilled public health professionals that can coordinate humanitarian response. Evaluating existing programs will allow for refinement of current programs. Ultimately, these programs may influence the development of new programs and inform others interested in this area.
EvansDP, AndersonM, ShahparC, del RioC, CurranJW. Innovation in Graduate Education for Health Professionals in Humanitarian Emergencies. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2016;31(5):532–538.
This study examines the cognitive and affective factors of candidate appraisal by manipulating candidate attractiveness and levels of issue agreement with voters. Drawing upon research in evolutionary psychology and cognitive neuroscience, this analysis proposes that automatic processing of physical appearance predisposes affective disposition toward more attractive candidates, thereby influencing cognitive processing of issue information. An experimental design presented attractive and unattractive candidates who were either liberal or conservative in a mock primary election. The data show strong partial effects for appearance on vote intention, an interaction between appearance and issue agreement, and a tendency for voters to assimilate the dissimilar views of attractive candidates. We argue that physical appearance is important in primary elections when the differences in issue positions and ideology between candidates is small.
Multipath propagation can cause significant impairments to the performance of Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) receivers and is often the dominant source of accuracy degradation for high precision GNSS applications. Commonly used time-of-arrival estimation techniques cannot provide the required estimation accuracy in severely dense multipath environments such as urban canyons. Multipath components are highly correlated and this results in a rank deficiency of the signal autocorrelation matrix. In this paper the Doppler spectrum broadening of the fast fading channel resulting from the motion of the receiver or surrounding objects is employed to decorrelate signal reflections for the purpose of high-resolution estimation of multipath delays through the subspace-based Multiple Signal Classification (MUSIC) technique. Specifically, delay-domain correlator outputs at different Doppler frequencies are combined to enhance the rank of the signal autocorrelation matrix. Simulation and results of real data collected in an urban environment (downtown Calgary) are presented to compare the performance of the proposed method with the spatial-temporal-diversity-based MUSIC technique and a widely available algorithm in commercial GNSS receivers, namely the double-delta correlator technique. The performance metrics are based upon pseudorange and positioning errors, which are derived using an accurate reference trajectory established using a high precision GNSS-INS integrated system.
The Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder (ASKAP) will give us an unprecedented opportunity to investigate the transient sky at radio wavelengths. In this paper we present VAST, an ASKAP survey for Variables and Slow Transients. VAST will exploit the wide-field survey capabilities of ASKAP to enable the discovery and investigation of variable and transient phenomena from the local to the cosmological, including flare stars, intermittent pulsars, X-ray binaries, magnetars, extreme scattering events, interstellar scintillation, radio supernovae, and orphan afterglows of gamma-ray bursts. In addition, it will allow us to probe unexplored regions of parameter space where new classes of transient sources may be detected. In this paper we review the known radio transient and variable populations and the current results from blind radio surveys. We outline a comprehensive program based on a multi-tiered survey strategy to characterise the radio transient sky through detection and monitoring of transient and variable sources on the ASKAP imaging timescales of 5 s and greater. We also present an analysis of the expected source populations that we will be able to detect with VAST.
Public service broadcasters (PSBs) are a central part of national news media landscapes, and are often regarded as specialists in the provision of hard news. But does exposure to public versus commercial news influence citizens’ knowledge of current affairs? This question is investigated in this article using cross-national surveys capturing knowledge of current affairs and media consumption. Propensity score analyses test for effects of PSBs on knowledge, and examine whether PSBs vary in this regard. Results indicate that compared to commercial news, PSBs have a positive influence on knowledge of hard news, though not all PSBs are equally effective in this way. Cross-national differences are related to factors such as de jure independence, proportion of public financing and audience share.
HI absorption-line studies provide a unique probe of the gas distribution and kinematics in galaxies well beyond the local universe (z ≳ 0.3). HI absorption-line surveys with next-generation radio telescopes will provide the first large-scale studies of HI in a redshift regime which is poorly understood. However, we currently lack the understanding to infer galaxy properties from absorption-line observations alone. To address this issue, we are conducting a search for intervening HI absorption in a sample of 20 nearby galaxies. Our aim is to investigate how the detection rate varies with distance from the galaxy. We target sight-lines to bright continuum sources, which intercept known gas-rich galaxies, selected from the HIPASS Bright Galaxy Catalogue (Koribalski et al. 2004). In our pilot sample, six galaxies with impact parameters < 20 kpc, we do not detect any absorption lines — although all are detected in 21cm emission. This indicates that an absorption non-detection cannot simply be interpreted as an absence of neutral gas – see Fig. 1. Our detection rate is low compared to previous surveys e.g. Gupta et al. (2010). This is, at least partially, due to the high resolution of the observations reducing the flux of the background source, which will also be an issue in future surveys, such as ASKAP-FLASH.
Cell-implant adhesive strength is important for prostheses. In this paper, an investigation is described into the adhesion of bovine chondrocytes to Ti6Al4V-based substrates with different surface roughnesses and compositions. Cells were cultured for 2 or 5 days, to promote adhesion. The ease of cell removal was characterised, using both biochemical (trypsin) and mechanical (accelerated buoyancy and liquid flow) methods. Computational fluid dynamics (CFD) modelling has been used to estimate the shear forces applied to the cells by the liquid flow. A comparison is presented between the ease of cell detachment indicated using these methods, for the three surfaces investigated.
For many years after the end of World War II the memory of John Curtin was dimmed and his reputation suffered a partial eclipse…The gap is gradually being filled.
Bob Hawke, April 1983
John Curtin remains an iconic figure in Australian political history. Were there ever to be an Australian equivalent to America's Mt Rushmore – the monumental sculpture on the South Dakota mountainside that features the faces of four American presidents carved in stone – Curtin would arguably be the first face hewn from the rock. Alone among 20th century Australian prime ministers, with the possible exception of Gough Whitlam, he has become a venerated leader. The words chiselled into the simple obelisk that sits atop his grave in Karrakatta Cemetery, Perth – His Country was his Pride, His Brother Man his Cause – proclaim a simple and moving record of his service to party and nation, as if the visitor or passer-by is being summoned to honour Curtin: Australian patriot and tribune of the people. As the Westralian Worker put it following his funeral in July 1945, ‘Every Australian who believes in his country has lost a friend’.
That he died in office has only added to the Curtin mystique: a politician who put ideology aside to lead the nation in war; an alcoholic who turned sober; a timid, nervous individual who became master and commander; and ultimately, a leader who became a casualty of the war itself. In the speeches of his admirers and adorers, the transformation in Curtin is easily transferred to the nation – in changing himself, so runs the myth, he changed Australia. Hence, the continued attachment to the idea that the 1940s represents a golden age in Australia: inaugurating a new departure in its relations with the world and the assertion of a more authentically robust national image. Curtin's record as an Australian ‘nationalist’ remains the most powerful impulse sustaining his place in the collective memory. The assumption that he not only initiated Australia's exit from its British orbit but also founded the alliance with the United States – establishing ‘nothing less than a charter for the next half-century’ to quote Bob Hawke – has a tenacious grip on the Labor imagination. And it is likely to stay that way.
Our view, based upon an acute realization of all that has happened to Australia in the last 25 years, is that the wise policy for this dominion is that it should not be embroiled in the disputes of Europe.
John Curtin, 27 September 1938
As John Curtin embarked on a career in federal politics in the early 1930s, he faced not only serious international instability but also a fractious labour movement that wanted to ignore the world. In the worsening economic and strategic climate, the tensions that had surfaced in party ranks in the aftermath of the First World War came under even greater strain. Although in the early years of the decade the severity of the worldwide depression inevitably focussed Curtin's attention on the domestic misery associated with high unemployment and the rapid collapse in Australia's export trade, neither he nor his party – however much they might have wanted to – could turn a blind eye to the troubles besetting Europe and East Asia. As imperial Japan flexed its muscles in Manchuria, Nazi Germany violated the resolutions of the Paris Peace Conference and Fascist Italy defied the League of Nations, Australians began to see once again the gathering clouds of another world war and with it the dreaded prospect of Britain being engaged in a simultaneous war in Europe and the Pacific. On the cusp of becoming Labor leader in 1935, Curtin said that he could see only a ‘deranged world’ where ‘all of the visible portents are of evil’.
John Curtin remains a venerated leader. His role as Labor's wartime supremo is etched deep into the national psyche: the man who put Australia first, locked horns with Churchill, forged the alliance with the United States and became the saviour of the nation in its darkest hour. Drawing on new archival material including sensitive and private correspondence from Curtin never before seen or quoted, Curtin's Empire shows that this British world vision was not imposed on him from abroad, rather it animated Curtin from deep within. Since entering politics Curtin had fought a bitter battle with his opponents - both inside and outside his party - over loyalty, identity and national security. At stake was how he and his party related to the defining idea of Australian politics for their times: Britishness.
In this war, as you well know, the backbone of the nation is in the workshop and the factory. The workers of Australia have made that backbone a very real thing and they have done so because they have a wholesale conviction of the justice of Britain's cause.
They are with you in this struggle because they are assured that everything they regard as being worthwhile is at stake. Bone of your bone, the workers of Australia are kindred. They are of your stock. Their forbears came from England and from Ireland, and from Scotland, and from Wales. They inherit the ties of blood and grace and tongue that have joined British people together for centuries.
Australia is a British land of one race and one tongue. It is a land in which people come from the British Isles to carve out, in freedom and equality, an opportunity to make for themselves and their children a better and freer life.
In April 1942 John Curtin made one of his many broadcasts to the people of Britain, a call of solidarity from the leader of a loyal dominion to the war-weary population of the ‘mother-country’. In this ‘comradely message of united endeavour’ from the Australian labour movement to its British counterpart, he drew on the imagery of Britannic nationalism, invoking a shared language and lineage, history and heritage. The workers of Australia were as one with their ideological soul mates in the United Kingdom, and the ‘British land’ of Australia remained the beacon for a ‘better and freer’ Britain. The broader message was simple and irrefutable: when the war challenged Australia to define itself in a world of nations, Curtin replied at once, defining Australians as a British people and the nation as a proud and integral part of a united Empire. A fortnight later, he remarked in another broadcast that ‘We are practical Empire patriots, and practical democrats’. By laying the stress on the ‘practical’ he was giving voice to a language of Britishness that Labor could make its own, one which underlined the benefits to Australia and avoided the flowery imperial oratory for which he had no patience. He even lauded the fact that Australia had been ‘the first Empire people to send their men away from their shores to fight for the Empire’, words unthinkable for a Labor leader to have even contemplated uttering in the 1930s. Over the course of his wartime prime ministership, as he wrestled with the demands of office, John Curtin sought to give an even more definitive form to this idea of practical imperial fraternity.
In June 2008 Julia Gillard, then deputy prime minister, addressed a gathering of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue in Washington DC. Speaking in the lavish State Department dining room that overlooks the Lincoln Memorial, Gillard drew on the familiar rhetoric of shared values and common interests that define the relationship between Australia and the United States. The occasion was widely seen as her debut on the foreign policy stage – a chance to show the supposed ‘movers and shakers’ of the alliance and the Washington power elite that she had the necessary mettle to handle international affairs. When Gillard took over from Kevin Rudd as prime minister two years later, it was the text of this speech to which many journalists and analysts turned to try and discern what her prime ministership might mean for the direction of Australian foreign policy.
Gillard's speech traversed the traditional terrain of cultural exchange and shared military sacrifice. She recalled the cooperation between Australian and American soldiers on the Western Front in the First World War, and emphasised that Australia had been the only country to fight alongside America at every major conflict since. But her words were securely anchored to the memory and legacy of a Labor hero, the former party leader and prime minister, John Curtin. Gillard was keen to point out that the ANZUS alliance, though officially signed in 1951, ‘reflected the judgments – clear, accurate, brutally frank judgments – of an Australian Labor Prime Minister a decade earlier’. Conceding that her audience would be all too ‘familiar with John Curtin's declaration in December 1941 about the need for Australia to “look to America”’ for its national security, Gillard instead quoted the words he had spoken on the day following the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor. She recalled that during an evening broadcast on 8 December 1941, the prime minister had explained to the people of Australia the imperative to defend the continent ‘“as a place where civilisation will persist”’. Gillard's speech was apparently well received by those present, and it attracted warm endorsements from the Australian press. Paul Kelly declared that the deputy prime minister had been ‘inducted into the political culture and rituals of the alliance’ and could now be counted one of its ‘true believer(s)’. The Herald's Peter Hartcher joined the chorus of celebration: Gillard's ‘Curtin call’ was an ‘excellent debut’, proving that she ‘has come a long way since the Victorian Socialist Left’. One could almost hear the collective sigh of relief amongst the commentariat: if the leading light of Labor's left-wing could utter such statements, the alliance was in safe hands.
There is another aspect of the Royal visit which Labor regrets. The Australian of radical and democratic ideas who sees the coming of the Duke and Duchess made the occasion for the glorifying of snobs seeking tinsel titles, of degrading intrigues about invitation lists and social precedence, cannot but be revolted. Those who for this reason decide to have nothing to do with the whole affair neither mean nor intend any discourtesy. They stay away because others have set a style in manners which is too blatant to be endorsed. Accident of birth no more justifies ill-will towards those born in the purple than it justifies fulsome snobbery. Labor would greet the Duke and Duchess as the occupants of a distinguished place in the world; it would welcome them courteously and humanly [sic], and hope that their visit has been pleasurable and of value.
These were the views expressed by John Curtin around the time of the 1927 visit to Australia by the Duke and Duchess of York to open the new Parliament House building in Canberra. Written as the lead editorial in the Westralian Worker, they give voice to a powerful stream in Labor's brand of Britishness – a deep-seated disdain for the trappings and trimmings of imperial loyalty and the privileges of an imperial aristocracy. Here the urge of some in the country to genuflect towards their royal guests or to fuss over the order and opulence of officialdom is derided as deeply offensive to Australia's egalitarian, democratic ethos. By throwing themselves so completely at the regal feet, these Anglophiles were denying the distinctiveness of Australian social ideals and mores and perpetuating the inequalities of the old world in a new land. Curtin clearly found such symbols of class pretension repugnant to his idea of an Australia that stood on its own two feet.