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Recent commercialization of auxin herbicide–based weed control systems has led to increased off-target exposure of susceptible cotton cultivars to auxin herbicides. Off-target deposition of dilute concentrations of auxin herbicides can occur on cotton at any stage of growth. Field experiments were conducted at two locations in Mississippi from 2014 to 2016 to assess the response of cotton at various growth stages after exposure to a sublethal 2,4-D concentration of 8.3 g ae ha−1. Herbicide applications occurred weekly from 0 to 14 weeks after emergence (WAE). Cotton exposure to 2,4-D at 2 to 9 WAE resulted in up to 64% visible injury, whereas 2,4-D exposure 5 to 6 WAE resulted in machine-harvested yield reductions of 18% to 21%. Cotton maturity was delayed after exposure 2 to 10 WAE, and height was increased from exposure 6 to 9 WAE due to decreased fruit set after exposure. Total hand-harvested yield was reduced from 2,4-D exposure 3, 5 to 8, and 13 WAE. Growth stage at time of exposure influenced the distribution of yield by node and position. Yield on lower and inner fruiting sites generally decreased from exposure, and yield partitioned to vegetative or aborted positions and upper fruiting sites increased. Reductions in gin turnout, micronaire, fiber length, fiber-length uniformity, and fiber elongation were observed after exposure at certain growth stages, but the overall effects on fiber properties were small. These results indicate that cotton is most sensitive to low concentrations of 2,4-D during late vegetative and squaring growth stages.
The introduction of auxin herbicide weed control systems has led to increased occurrence of crop injury in susceptible soybeans and cotton. Off-target exposure to sublethal concentrations of dicamba can occur at varying growth stages, which may affect crop response. Field experiments were conducted in Mississippi in 2014, 2015, and 2016 to characterize cotton response to a sublethal concentration of dicamba equivalent to 1/16X the labeled rate. Weekly applications of dicamba at 35 g ae ha−1 were made to separate sets of replicated plots immediately following planting until 14 wk after emergence (WAE). Exposure to dicamba from 1 to 9 WAE resulted in up to 32% visible injury, and exposure from 7 to 10 WAE delayed crop maturity. Exposure from 8 to 10 and 13 WAE led to increased cotton height, while an 18% reduction in machine-harvested yield resulted from exposure at 6 WAE. Cotton exposure at 3 to 9 WAE reduced the seed cotton weight partitioned to position 1 fruiting sites, while exposure at 3 to 6 WAE also reduced yield in position 2 fruiting sites. Exposure at 2, 3, and 5 to 7 WAE increased the percent of yield partitioned to vegetative branches. An increase in percent of yield partitioned to plants with aborted terminals occurred following exposure from 3 to 7 WAE and corresponded with reciprocal decreases in yield partitioned to positional fruiting sites. Minimal effects were observed on fiber quality, except for decreases in fiber length uniformity resulting from exposure at 9 and 10 WAE.
Field experiments were conducted in Louisiana and Mississippi from 2011 through 2013 to evaluate crop injury, weed control, and yield in field corn following pyroxasulfone applied PRE and POST. Pyroxasulfone PRE or POST did not injure corn at any evaluation. Barnyardgrass control was not improved with the addition of any POST treatment to pyroxasulfone alone or atrazine plus pyroxasulfone PRE; however, all POST treatments increased barnyardgrass control to at least 95% at all evaluations following atrazine PRE. All treatments that contained a PRE followed by POST application controlled browntop millet ≥90% at all evaluations. All POST treatments increased ivyleaf morningglory control to ≥92% following atrazine or pyroxasulfone alone PRE. However, control with atrazine plus pyroxasulfone PRE was similar or greater 28 d after POST than all treatments that received a POST application. In the absence of a POST treatment, pyroxasulfone or atrazine plus pyroxasulfone PRE controlled Palmer amaranth 93 to 96% at all evaluations, but atrazine alone PRE provided 84, 82, and 66% control 7, 14, and 28 d after POST, respectively. All programs that contained a PRE followed by POST herbicide treatment controlled Palmer amaranth >90% at all evaluations. Corn yield following all treatments except atrazine alone PRE and the nontreated were similar and ranged from 10990 to 12330 kg ha−1. This research demonstrated that pyroxasulfone can be a valuable tool for weed management in a corn weed management program.
A study was conducted to evaluate interactions of imazethapyr co-application with propanil, thiobencarb, or a prepackaged mixture of propanil plus thiobencarb. At 7, 14, 21, and 49 d after treatment (DAT), synergism occurred for red rice treated with imazethapyr at 70 g ai ha−1 mixed with propanil plus thiobencarb at 1,680 and 3,360 g ai ha−1. A synergistic response was also observed with imazethapyr at 70 g ha−1 mixed with propanil at 1,680 g ha−1; however, all other co-applications evaluated resulted in a neutral response with no antagonism observed. At 7 DAT, antagonism was observed for barnyardgrass when treated with imazethapyr at 70 g ha−1 mixed with propanil plus thiobencarb at 1,680 g ha−1, propanil at 840 g ha−1, or thiobencarb at 840 and 1,680 g ha−1; however, a synergistic response occurred for barnyardgrass control at 14, 21, and 49 DAT with imazethapyr at 70 g ha−1 mixed with propanil plus thiobencarb at 3,360 g ha−1. The synergistic response observed for red rice and barnyardgrass control with a mixture of imazethapyr plus propanil plus thiobencarb can benefit producers by increasing control of red rice and barnyardgrass, and this mixture contains three herbicides with three different modes of action, which can be part of an overall resistance-management strategy in imidazolinone-resistant (IR) rice.
Old age is often characterised as being associated with neglect, isolation and loneliness, not least since established risks factors for loneliness include widowhood, living alone, depression and being female. Cross-sectional data have challenged the notion that loneliness is especially an old-age phenomenon but longitudinal data on loneliness is scarce. Moreover, an under-represented group in prior studies are the oldest old, those aged 85 years and more. This paper addresses these knowledge gaps using data from the Newcastle 85+ Study, a large population-based cohort aged 85 years at first interview with follow-up interviews at 18 months and three years. At baseline over half (55%) reported being always or often alone, and 41 per cent reported feeling more lonely than ten years previously, although only 2 per cent reported always feeling lonely. Women spent more time alone than men and reported more loneliness both currently and compared to the past. Length of widowhood was a key factor, with those recently widowed having twice the risk of feeling lonely and those widowed for five or more years having a lower risk of reporting increased loneliness. Overall, the findings show that loneliness is a minority experience in the oldest old but is strongly driven by length of widowhood, challenging the notion that loneliness in later life is a static experience.
New radiocarbon dates for the Neolithic settlement at Pool on Sanday, Orkney, are interpreted in a formal chronological framework. Phases 2.2 and 2.3, during which flat-based Grooved Ware pottery with incised decoration developed, have been modelled as probably dating to between the 31st and 28th centuries cal bc. There followed a hiatus of a century or so, before the resumption of occupation in Phase 3, which has a different Grooved Ware style featuring the use of applied decoration. This has been modelled as probably dating from the 26th to the 24th centuries cal bc. The implications of these results are discussed for the emergence and development of Grooved Ware, and for the trajectory of settlement and monumentality on Sanday.
To evaluate the efficacy of a new monochloramine generation system for control of Legionella in a hospital hot water distribution system
A 495-bed tertiary care hospital in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The hospital has 12 floors covering approximately 78,000 m2.
The hospital hot water system was monitored for a total of 29 months, including a 5-month baseline sampling period prior to installation of the monochloramine system and 24 months of surveillance after system installation (postdisinfection period). Water samples were collected for microbiological analysis (Legionella species, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Stenotrophomonas maltophilia, Acinetobacter species, nitrifying bacteria, heterotrophic plate count [HPC] bacteria, and nontuberculous mycobacteria). Chemical parameters monitored during the investigation included monochloramine, chlorine (free and total), nitrate, nitrite, total ammonia, copper, silver, lead, and pH.
A significant reduction in Legionella distal site positivity was observed between the pre- and postdisinfection periods, with positivity decreasing from an average of 53% (baseline) to an average of 9% after monochloramine application (P > .05). Although geometric mean HPC concentrations decreased by approximately 2 log colony-forming units per milliliter during monochloramine treatment, we did not observe significant changes in other microbial populations.
This is the first evaluation in the United States of a commercially available monochloramine system installed on a hospital hot water system for Legionella disinfection, and it demonstrated a significant reduction in Legionella colonization. Significant increases in microbial populations or other negative effects previously associated with monochloramine use in large municipal cold water systems were not observed.
Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2014;35(11):1356–1363
Does it sit easily with the millions of ANC supporters here at home, and in the world at large, that during [the organization's] centennial year, the government, led by the ANC, presided over the first post-democracy state massacre … [For] Marikana is symptomatic of a much deeper malaise … Over the past eight years we have seen the escalation of local protests over perceived delivery failures and corruption at local government levels. It might well be that many of these protests were fuelled by rising expectations: [Certainly] there can be no doubt that in many instances this has led to ANC councilors losing legitimacy among the people. It is only a matter of time before that loss of legitimacy percolates upwards – to the provincial and national levels … [Indeed] the credibility of the ANC today is probably the lowest it has been since 1990!
Pallo Jordan, September 7, 2012
From the vantage point of the troubled present, my conclusion highlights within South Africa's history both the rise of the ANC's mission of liberation and the disappointing and anti-climactic outcome that has followed from the ANC's ‘victory’. But it also seeks to register the complex cross-currents of the present moment and the still somewhat hesitant signs that some novel brand of post-ANC, counter-hegemonic, political expression may be beginning to emerge in South Africa – one that could in time displace the present ANC government itself and do so for the better.
On the one hand, as we have seen, capital (both local and global) was increasingly on side, its conviction growing that the ANC was the one force that could actually deliver an insurgent population to acceptance of a deal quite unthreat-ening in substance both to capital as well as to those whites who were securely lodged in the upper strata of society. On the other hand, however, there was the insurgent proletariat and precariat (as represented, notably, by COSATU and the UDF) : yet they too were being brought, slowly but surely, to heel by the ANC – the rank and file of both proletariat and precariat now to be rendered politically, as we have suggested above, as presumptive ‘citizens’ rather than as assertive and active comrades in a continuing struggle for genuine liberation.
The stage was thus set for ‘transition’ (however contradictory it might prove to be) … or was it? True, the ANC could look forward to the more public set of negotiations, those with the apartheid state, with some confidence – now that it had begun, by the late 1980s, to have acceptance of where it might, in the long run, really count: in the camp of that very capital with which it had, in fact, actually been negotiating for some years.
The evolution of the South African state and society in the early twenty-first century confirmed the more pessimistic predictions: neo-liberalism would fail, thus leading to systemic corruption (sometimes termed neo-patrimonialism), followed by open ruptures thanks to extreme inequality, unemployment and low pay in varied communities and workplaces. The Marikana massacre on August 16, 2012, reflected these trends, as the nextchapter reports. However, the story would have been yet more grim if, during the dozen years after 2000, Pretoria had not adopted what we can characterize as ‘tokenistic welfarism’ in several social policy innovations. Most important was a victory won by civil society activists against President Thabo Mbeki that led to free access to AIDS medicines and then to a dramatic rise in life expectancy. Some social policies, such as Free Basic Services for lifeline water and electricity, were of global importance, yet at the same time suffered severe limitations because of their tokenistic character. All of these developments reflected the overarching problem of neo-liberalism in public policy, operating within a structurally dysfunctional economy that excluded around 40 per cent of the working-age population from employment, overlaid with new gender and race biases, not to mention extreme disregard for the environment.
Ultimately, as we will see, the extreme political turmoil within the ruling party – with three presidents serving in the course of nine months in 2008-09 following the prior year's ‘palace coup’ against Mbeki at the Polokwane conference of the African National Congress – did not lead to changes in core state processes.
Across the complex landscape of the southern part of the African continent, human beings have carved a conflictual history, one that in the last several hundred years has witnessed particularly dramatic scenes: heroic accomplishments set against cruel examples – the apartheid system itself being the principal case in point – of ‘man's inhumanity to man [sic]’. The present chapter will sketch this experience, tracing the long arc of history of those peoples who would ultimately form the citizenry of present-day South Africa. It must be borne in mind, however, that for much of the period covered in this chapter, the lines on the map that eventually came to encompass ‘South Africa’ did not exist: only with the benefit of hindsight can we see, with any clarity, that country ‘in the-making’. Up until a very late date, a diversity of ‘histories’ cut across the territory that is now South Africa, these histories fatefully intersecting in ways that deeply affected and qualified their independent trajectories, even as they also retained and reflected something of their own semi-autonomous structure, dynamics and inner meaning.
This chapter will, in turn, set the stage for an initial focus in the succeeding one (Chapter 2) on the attempt to forge one kind of synthesis of these diversities: the extreme form of institutionalization of racial supremacy represented by the ascendancy, from 1948, of the National Party and its authoritarian apartheid state.
South Africa won its democracy in 1994. But in far too many respects, it has been a ‘choiceless democracy’ in socio-economic policy terms and more broadly a ‘low-intensity democracy’, to borrow terms coined respectively by Thandika Mkandawire for Africa, and by Barry Gills and Joel Rocamora for many ex-dictatorships. The self-imposition of economic and development policies – typically at the behest of financial markets and the Washington/Geneva multilateral institutions – required an extraordinary insulation from genuine national determinations: in short, an ‘elite transition’. This insulation of policy from democracy was facilitated by invoking the mantra of seeking ‘international competitiveness’, and initially peaked with Nelson Mandela's 1996 Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy. As Chapter 5 shows, Pretoria's obeisance to multinational corporations, revealed in this core policy, helped to mould the platinum belt in a manner that inexorably led to the Marikana Massacre. In the South African case of low-intensity democracy, it must be stressed, the decision to reduce any real room for strategic manoeuvre was made as much by the local principals as it was by the Bretton Woods Institutions, other financiers and investors.
As these next chapters document, South Africa's democratization was profoundly compromised by an intra-elite economic deal that, for most people, worsened poverty, unemployment, inequality and ecological degradation, while also exacerbating many racial, gender and geographical differences. In this chapter we consider the critical choices and outcomes from 1994–2000.