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Online self-reported 24-h dietary recall systems promise increased feasibility of dietary assessment. Comparison against interviewer-led recalls established their convergent validity; however, reliability and criterion-validity information is lacking. The validity of energy intakes (EI) reported using Intake24, an online 24-h recall system, was assessed against concurrent measurement of total energy expenditure (TEE) using doubly labelled water in ninety-eight UK adults (40–65 years). Accuracy and precision of EI were assessed using correlation and Bland–Altman analysis. Test–retest reliability of energy and nutrient intakes was assessed using data from three further UK studies where participants (11–88 years) completed Intake24 at least four times; reliability was assessed using intra-class correlations (ICC). Compared with TEE, participants under-reported EI by 25 % (95 % limits of agreement −73 % to +68 %) in the first recall, 22 % (−61 % to +41 %) for average of first two, and 25 % (−60 % to +28 %) for first three recalls. Correlations between EI and TEE were 0·31 (first), 0·47 (first two) and 0·39 (first three recalls), respectively. ICC for a single recall was 0·35 for EI and ranged from 0·31 for Fe to 0·43 for non-milk extrinsic sugars (NMES). Considering pairs of recalls (first two v. third and fourth recalls), ICC was 0·52 for EI and ranged from 0·37 for fat to 0·63 for NMES. EI reported with Intake24 was moderately correlated with objectively measured TEE and underestimated on average to the same extent as seen with interviewer-led 24-h recalls and estimated weight food diaries. Online 24-h recall systems may offer low-cost, low-burden alternatives for collecting dietary information.
We assessed whether paternal demographic, anthropometric and clinical factors influence the risk of an infant being born large-for-gestational-age (LGA). We examined the data on 3659 fathers of term offspring (including 662 LGA infants) born to primiparous women from Screening for Pregnancy Endpoints (SCOPE). LGA was defined as birth weight >90th centile as per INTERGROWTH 21st standards, with reference group being infants ⩽90th centile. Associations between paternal factors and likelihood of an LGA infant were examined using univariable and multivariable models. Men who fathered LGA babies were 180 g heavier at birth (P<0.001) and were more likely to have been born macrosomic (P<0.001) than those whose infants were not LGA. Fathers of LGA infants were 2.1 cm taller (P<0.001), 2.8 kg heavier (P<0.001) and had similar body mass index (BMI). In multivariable models, increasing paternal birth weight and height were independently associated with greater odds of having an LGA infant, irrespective of maternal factors. One unit increase in paternal BMI was associated with 2.9% greater odds of having an LGA boy but not girl; however, this association disappeared after adjustment for maternal BMI. There were no associations between paternal demographic factors or clinical history and infant LGA. In conclusion, fathers who were heavier at birth and were taller were more likely to have an LGA infant, but maternal BMI had a dominant influence on LGA.
SNP in the vitamin D receptor (VDR) gene is associated with risk of lower respiratory infections. The influence of genetic variation in the vitamin D pathway resulting in susceptibility to upper respiratory infections (URI) has not been investigated. We evaluated the influence of thirty-three SNP in eleven vitamin D pathway genes (DBP, DHCR7, RXRA, CYP2R1, CYP27B1, CYP24A1, CYP3A4, CYP27A1, LRP2, CUBN and VDR) resulting in URI risk in 725 adults in London, UK, using an additive model with adjustment for potential confounders and correction for multiple comparisons. Significant associations in this cohort were investigated in a validation cohort of 737 children in Manchester, UK. In all, three SNP in VDR (rs4334089, rs11568820 and rs7970314) and one SNP in CYP3A4 (rs2740574) were associated with risk of URI in the discovery cohort after adjusting for potential confounders and correcting for multiple comparisons (adjusted incidence rate ratio per additional minor allele ≥1·15, Pfor trend ≤0·030). This association was replicated for rs4334089 in the validation cohort (Pfor trend=0·048) but not for rs11568820, rs7970314 or rs2740574. Carriage of the minor allele of the rs4334089 SNP in VDR was associated with increased susceptibility to URI in children and adult cohorts in the United Kingdom.
Access to transition-related medical interventions (TRMIs) for transgender veterans has been the subject of substantial public interest and debate. To better inform these important conversations, the current study investigated whether undergoing hormone or surgical transition intervention(s) relates to the frequency of recent suicidal ideation (SI) and symptoms of depression in transgender veterans.
This study included a cross-sectional, national sample of 206 self-identified transgender veterans. They self-reported basic demographics, TRMI history, recent SI, and symptoms of depression through an online survey.
Significantly lower levels of SI experienced in the past year and 2-weeks were seen in veterans with a history of both hormone intervention and surgery on both the chest and genitals in comparison with those who endorsed a history of no medical intervention, history of hormone therapy but no surgical intervention, and those with a history of hormone therapy and surgery on either (but not both) the chest or genitals when controlling for sample demographics (e.g., gender identity and annual income). Indirect effect analyses indicated that lower depressive symptoms experienced in the last 2-weeks mediated the relationship between the history of surgery on both chest and genitals and SI in the last 2-weeks.
Results indicate the potential protective effect that TRMI may have on symptoms of depression and SI in transgender veterans, particularly when both genitals and chest are affirmed with one's gender identity. Implications for policymakers, providers, and researchers are discussed.
Aqueous two-phase systems and related emulsion-based structures defined within micro- and nanoscale environments enable a bottom-up synthetic biological approach to mimicking the dynamic compartmentation of biomaterial that naturally occurs within cells. Model systems we have developed to aid in understanding these phenomena include on-demand generation and triggering of reversible phase transitions in ATPS confined in microscale droplets, morpho-logical changes in networks of femtoliter-volume aqueous droplet interface bilayers (DIBs) formulated in microfluidic channels, and temperature-driven phase transitions in interfacial lipid bilayer systems supported on micro and nanostructured substrates. For each of these cases, the dynamics were intimately linked to changes in the chemical potential of water, which becomes increasingly susceptible to confinement and crowding. At these length scales, where interfacial and surface areas predominate over compartment volumes, both evaporation and osmotic forces become enhanced relative to ideal dilute solutions. Consequences of confinement and crowding in cell-sized microcompartments for increasingly complex scenarios will be discussed, from single-molecule mobility measurements with fluorescence correlation spectroscopy to spatio-temporal modulation of resource sharing in cell-free gene expression bursting.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate a programme of lesion surgery carried out on patients with treatment-resistant depression (TRD).
This was a retrospective study looking at clinical and psychometric data from 45 patients with TRD who had undergone bilateral stereotactic anterior capsulotomy surgery over a period of 15 years, with the approval of the Mental Health Act Commission (37 with unipolar depression and eight with bipolar disorder). The Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) before and after surgery was used as the primary outcome measure. The Montgomery–Asberg Depression Rating Scale was administered and cognitive aspects of executive and memory functions were also examined. We carried out a paired-samples t test on the outcome measures to determine any statistically significant change in the group as a consequence of surgery.
Patients improved on the clinical measure of depression after surgery by −21.20 points on the BDI with a 52% change. There were no significant cognitive changes post-surgery. Six patients were followed up in 2013 by phone interview and reported a generally positive experience. No major surgical complications occurred.
With the limitations of an uncontrolled, observational study, our data suggest that capsulotomy can be an effective treatment for otherwise TRD. Performance on neuropsychological tests did not deteriorate.
The eighteenth century is usually considered to be a time of increasing secularization in which the primacy of theology was replaced by the authority of reason, yet this lofty intellectual endeavor played itself out in a social and political reality that was heavily impacted by religious customs and institutions. This duality is visible in the literature and culture of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Germany. On the one hand, authors such as Goethe, Schiller, and Kleist are known for their distance from traditional Christianity. On the other hand, many canonical texts from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries -- from Goethe's 'Faust' to Schiller's 'Die Jungfrau von Orleans' to Kleist's 'Michael Kohlhaas' -- are not only filled with references to the Bible, but invoke religious frameworks. 'Religion, Reason, and Culture in the Age of Goethe' investigates how culture in the Age of Goethe shaped and was shaped by a sustained and multifaceted debate about the place of religion and religious difference in politics, philosophy, and culture, enriching our understanding of the relationship between religion and culture during this foundational period in German history. Contributors: Frederick Amrine, Claire Baldwin, Lisa Beesley, Jane K. Brown, Jeffrey L. High, Elisabeth Krimmer, Helmut J. Schneider, Patricia Anne Simpson, John H. Smith, Tom Spencer. Elisabeth Krimmer is professor of German at the University of California, Davis. Patricia Anne Simpson is professor of German at Montana State University.
The influence of religious traditions on German thought of the Classical period cannot be appreciated enough. Beginning in the early Enlightenment and spanning literary movements from Sentimentality and Storm and Stress through Weimar Classicism and Romanticism, German literature grappled with this powerful, largely Lutheran and Pietist legacy, which it transposed into its own secular worldview. Literary fiction, aesthetic experience itself, had become the central medium of secularization. This is also reflected in the biographies of many writers of the time; we are reminded of the notoriously high number of pastor's sons—most prominently perhaps Lessing—many of whom broke away from the intended clerical path, and of the many more who were shaped by a Pietist upbringing, from Klopstock and Herder to Karl Philipp Moritz, Novalis, and the early Romantics.
Little is known about Kleist's biography, even less about his religious upbringing and outlook. His familial background in Prussia's military aristocracy—quite unusual for intellectuals of his time—as well as the social milieu of his hometown Frankfurt an der Oder and later the Potsdam Cadet School were Protestant, of course, with some Pietist influences. The letters he wrote his fiancée serve as the main source for determining Kleist's intellectual and spiritual development after leaving the army in 1799.
The Age of Goethe hosts a sustained and multifaceted debate about the place of religion and religious difference in late eighteenth-century politics, philosophy, and culture. Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and their respective institutions center the debate at a time when Goethe, Schiller, and the proponents of both Weimar Classicism and writing German into a Weltliteratur (world literature) encroach on religious territories with a commitment to a more culturally encompassing concept of the sacred and the divine, one that included but was not limited to elements of pantheism, polytheism, and mythology. Yet in dominant cultural discourse and practice, a belief in the monotheistic, Trinitarian, and Christian incarnation of the divine prevails. At the same time, competing models of divinities persisted in a kind of cultural polytheism that exerted significant influence on the production of poetry and art. Increasingly, any association between secularism and modernity reopened wounds caused by theological and sectarian differences.
To understand the depth of the rift between elite and dominant discourses of the sacred, it is perhaps instructive to recall the contentiousness of the debate about atheism, or Atheismusstreit (1798–99), ensuing from a narrow definition of enlightened reason, presumed to exclude faith. Spinoza's name became associated with atheism because of heterodox arguments, and, as Louis Dupré notes: “The stigma adhered to his name throughout the eighteenth century.” When the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762–1814) lost his university post in Jena owing to accusations of atheism, it was a prominent public matter.
When it comes to religion, Goethe's reputation is anything but spotless. Heinrich Heine famously referred to Goethe as “der große Heide” (the great heathen). August Wilhelm Schlegel took this one step further when he called Goethe “einen zum Islam bekehrten Heiden” (a heathen who converted to Islam). Wolfgang Frühwald points out that in an altar painting by Konrad Eberhard for the St. Clara Hospital in Basel, Goethe is grouped with the heathens who cannot be converted by St. Paul. Similarly, Prince Metternich opposed the creation of a Goethe monument because of Goethe's spotty record on religion, declaring that we should not “dem Andenken eines Mannes zu große Ehre … erweisen, der ersichtlich seines religiösen Bekenntnisses nicht ohne Anstoß gewesen sei” (pay too much tribute to the memory of a man whose religious creed was not inoffensive). Finally, Romano Guardini, in a letter to Ernst Beutler, summed it up when he declared that Goethe had done more harm to Christianity than even Nietzsche (Perels 28).
Though these claims are surely inflated, they are not wholly unfounded. In the following, I will provide a brief overview over Goethe's stance on religion. I then contrast Goethe's views with those introduced in Kant's “Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der bloßen Vernunft” (1793; Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone). Here, I pay particular attention to the role both thinkers assign to the concepts of sensuality and the body.
Es ist ein armseliges kleinliches Ideal, für eine Nation zu schreiben.
[It is a pathetic, petty ideal to write for only one nation.]
—Schiller's letter to Körner of 13 October 1789
By 1788, Friedrich schiller (1759-1805) could look back on nearly a decade of blasphemous production regarding prophets, priests, and organized religion. In 1789, after several years of assaulting the negative social and political functions of Jesus Christ and Christianity, Schiller, then a professor of history, turned his attention to the Hebrew prophet Moses in the lecture “Die Sendung Moses” (The Mission of Moses or The Legation of Moses), delivered at the University of Jena in the summer of 1789 and published in Schiller's journal Thalia in 1790. In light of recent charges of blasphemy (and—in an insightless or disingenuous smear attempt—polytheism) inspired by his poem “Die Götter Griechenlandes” (The Gods of Ancient Greece) in 1788, Schiller's Moses essay comprises both a response to the charges and an articulation of his earlier criticisms of religion. In the Moses essay, Schiller moves beyond the concerns of the political misuses of and intellectual detours posed by Christianity in contemporary European states to an explanation of the original paradigmatic political purposes of religion and the initial civilizing effect of monotheism as a step toward a constitution based on reason for all humankind.
Stories of conversions from Protestantism to Catholicism received a great deal of attention in Germany during the first decade of the nineteenth century. Johann Heinrich Voß's pamphlet Wie ward Fritz Stolberg ein Unfreier? (How Did Fritz Stolberg Become Unliberated?, 1819) analyzes his friend Friedrich Leopold Stolberg's conversion to Catholicism and mourns the loss of their friendship. Stolberg's conversion, from his assault on Schiller's “Die Götter Griechenlandes” (The Gods of Greece, 1788) to his marriage to a Catholic woman in 1790, occurred during a public struggle over the ethics of conversion. Enlightenment thinkers such as Voß, Klopstock, and Goethe saw membership in the Catholic Church as a relinquishment of freedom and agency: Catholics allowed their religious institution to make their decisions for them, so they were seen as voluntary slaves to higher authorities and as refusing to take on the responsibility of thinking for themselves—victims of what Werner Schneiders calls a “Fremdaufklärung” or enlightenment by others. Protestants, on the other hand, saw themselves as exercising their Kantian right to use their own understanding, and were thus practicing self-liberation (“Selbstbefreiung,” Schneiders 176) and self-enlightenment (“Selbstaufklärung,” Schneiders 177). True enlightenment demands that the individual assume responsibility for his own thinking, rejecting knowledge that is simply transmitted by those in power.
Sed omnia praeclara tam diffidila, quam rara sunt.
[For all excellent things are as difficult as they are rare.]
The Revolutionary Rhizome
All eyes, it would seem, are on Spinoza at the moment. Much of the credit for this remarkable renaissance is due to Gilles Deleuze, who wrote two books on Spinoza, and then went even further in his best-selling manifesto What Is Philosophy?, anointing Spinoza both the “prince” and the “Christ” of philosophy. And Deleuze is hardly alone in his attentions. Spinoza now looms large in our understanding of the entire Age of Goethe. The controversy over Spinoza still figures as a minor flap in Lewis White Beck's classic history, Early German Philosophy; but it has become the defining intellectual controversy of the whole age since the publication of Frederick Beiser's influential study The Fate of Reason in 1987. Further, over the past decade, the intellectual historian Jonathan Israel has published three massive tomes asserting that, basically, every significant thinker of the Enlightenment was a closet Spinozist. Skepticism may be in order: on Wall Street, this latest development would be read as a “contrary indicator,” signaling a market top. But the centrality of the Spinozastreit (Spinoza controversy) clearly means that we have to understand both the extent and the import of Spinoza's influence on the Age of Goethe. And the centrality of Spinoza to contemporary discourse is beyond doubt; somehow, he figures in everyone's equations.
“Classicism” and “secular humanism” seems an obvious combination: Goethe, the great pagan, substituted a generalized ethic of humanity (taken in its broadest possible religio-ethical and aesthetic sense) as the social glue that replaced the function of sectarian religion in post-Enlightenment secularized Europe. He offered a heightened version of Enlightenment culture and reason that obviated the need for religion. Through World War I his name alone evoked an entire system of ethics, aesthetics, and even epistemology among writers as disparate as Adalbert Stifter, Wilhelm Raabe, Theodor Fontane, Hugo von Hofmannsthal; and scholars such as the psychoanalytic generation, Hannah Arendt, Norbert Elias, Oswald Spengler; and philosophers such as Benedetto Croce and José Ortega y Gasset. My subtitle reveals the underlying schism— “sanctification” is a religious term; Die Zauberflöte (The Magic Flute), a hangover of the particularly secular and disrespectful Enlightenment associated with the French Revolution; and the “Novelle,” a charming, respectable, Biedermeier idyll. The Goethe cult that substituted German classicism for religion was, for better or worse, not interested in the Goethe of the 1820s, except for his conversations with Eckermann; “the late Goethe,” or, as I would have it, “the Biedermeier Goethe,” offers, however, a more mature, richer classicism, indeed a sanctified classicism.