We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.
The early months of the COVID pandemic prompted a flood of research aimed at illuminating all facets of the disease and its spread. Scholars sought to create and assess practical interventions that ranged from vaccines to government lockdown policies to workplace practices. To date, there are nearly a half-million publications on the pandemic, and more are in process.
The year 2020 will be remembered as a moment of omni-crisis at the intersection of public health, politics, and economics. A global pandemic on a scale not seen in a century struck tens of millions and left a wake of devastation. Governments around the world responded in divergent ways, from competent and well organized to chaotic and inept, with predictable consequences for their citizens. Their economies suffered the consequences as well, with many facing skyrocketing rates of unemployment and business failure. Those at the low end of the income spectrum fared the worst: in the United States, employment in the foodservice industry dropped from 12 million to 6 million in a single month, leaving the equivalent of the population of Denmark out of work.
Introduction
Corporations have been central institutions in industrialized economies since the turn of the twentieth century. While corporations have existed for centuries as a legal device, and stock exchanges for trading corporate shares emerged during the early seventeenth century, the public corporation as we know it today co-evolved with mass production and distribution around the time of the second industrial revolution. By the start of World War I, public corporations had become a standard way of organizing economic activity in the most advanced industrial economies.
Yet the common term ‘corporation’ masks enormous diversity in corporations around the world. About half the world's economies did not have a domestic stock market in 2012, and those that did varied enormously in how common listed companies are, from Uruguay (6) to India (more than 5000). The number of public corporations was not tightly linked to the size or vibrancy of the economy. Germany, with a vast export-oriented economy, had 665 listed companies; Serbia, with a GDP 1/100th that of Germany, had 1086; while the Netherlands – birthplace of the public corporation – had only 105. Corporations also varied in size and structure: Denmark's largest domestic company had over one-and-a-half million employees (albeit not all in Denmark), while the largest domestic company in Colombia – with ten times the population of Denmark – was only a fraction of that size. Corporations differ in basic aspects of structure required by law, from the protection of minority shareholder rights in different legal systems to whether women or labour must be represented on the board of directors. In short, the term ‘corporation’ is applied to entities that often have little in common.
The sociology of corporations emphasizes that corporations are products of national systems of institutions that vary across cultures and over time. Corporations are often central elements of the economic landscape, with enormous influence on societal outcomes from economic mobility and inequality to public policy. Yet their diversity around the world is under-appreciated in most research traditions, and much work remains to be done.
A year-long intervention trial was conducted to characterise the responses of multiple biomarkers of Se status in healthy American adults to supplemental selenomethionine (SeMet) and to identify factors affecting those responses. A total of 261 men and women were randomised to four doses of Se (0, 50, 100 or 200 μg/d as l-SeMet) for 12 months. Responses of several biomarkers of Se status (plasma Se, serum selenoprotein P (SEPP1), plasma glutathione peroxidase activity (GPX3), buccal cell Se, urinary Se) were determined relative to genotype of four selenoproteins (GPX1, GPX3, SEPP1, selenoprotein 15), dietary Se intake and parameters of single-carbon metabolism. Results showed that supplemental SeMet did not affect GPX3 activity or SEPP1 concentration, but produced significant, dose-dependent increases in the Se contents of plasma, urine and buccal cells, each of which plateaued by 9–12 months and was linearly related to effective Se dose (μg/d per kg0·75). The increase in urinary Se excretion was greater for women than men, and for individuals of the GPX1 679 T/T genotype than for those of the GPX1 679 C/C genotype. It is concluded that the most responsive Se-biomarkers in this non-deficient cohort were those related to body Se pools: plasma, buccal cell and urinary Se concentrations. Changes in plasma Se resulted from increases in its non-specific component and were affected by both sex and GPX1 genotype. In a cohort of relatively high Se status, the Se intake (as SeMet) required to support plasma Se concentration at a target level (Sepl-target) is: .