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Apolipoprotein E (APOE) E4 is the main genetic risk factor for Alzheimer’s disease (AD). Due to the consistent association, there is interest as to whether E4 influences the risk of other neurodegenerative diseases. Further, there is a constant search for other genetic biomarkers contributing to these phenotypes, such as microtubule-associated protein tau (MAPT) haplotypes. Here, participants from the Ontario Neurodegenerative Disease Research Initiative were genotyped to investigate whether the APOE E4 allele or MAPT H1 haplotype are associated with five neurodegenerative diseases: (1) AD and mild cognitive impairment (MCI), (2) amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, (3) frontotemporal dementia (FTD), (4) Parkinson’s disease, and (5) vascular cognitive impairment.
Genotypes were defined for their respective APOE allele and MAPT haplotype calls for each participant, and logistic regression analyses were performed to identify the associations with the presentations of neurodegenerative diseases.
Our work confirmed the association of the E4 allele with a dose-dependent increased presentation of AD, and an association between the E4 allele alone and MCI; however, the other four diseases were not associated with E4. Further, the APOE E2 allele was associated with decreased presentation of both AD and MCI. No associations were identified between MAPT haplotype and the neurodegenerative disease cohorts; but following subtyping of the FTD cohort, the H1 haplotype was significantly associated with progressive supranuclear palsy.
This is the first study to concurrently analyze the association of APOE isoforms and MAPT haplotypes with five neurodegenerative diseases using consistent enrollment criteria and broad phenotypic analysis.
We have measured the fracture toughness of PMMA slabs with carbon black and colloidal silica fillers placed at the interface. The results show that the fracture toughness decreases linearly with carbon black concentration. The fracture toughness scales as annealing time, t1/2 indicating that it is diffusion limited. Addition of Colloidal Silica drastically reduces the fracture toughness regardless of concentration and annealing time. These results indicate that carbon black introduces physical cross links which decrease dynamics whereas colloidal silica produces permanent chemical cross links which prevent diffusion across the interface.
At its launch in 2005 the EU ETS covered approximately 40 per cent of all European Union greenhouse gas emissions through caps on CO2 emissions from energy-intensive sectors in the then twenty-five member states. It did not limit non-CO2 emissions from the ETS sectors, nor did it regulate emissions from agriculture, housing, waste management or transportation. Nevertheless, the emissions initially covered by the ETS represented 11 per cent of emissions from developed nations and 4 per cent of emissions worldwide.
In order to enhance its environmental impact and its cost-effectiveness over time, the EU ETS was designed to be enlarged. The directive establishing the scheme included provisions to extend the programme's coverage by enabling member states to add further installations, economic sectors and non-CO2 gases (the opt-in). Additionally, the linking directive established a connection between the EU ETS and the Kyoto Protocol. This provision not only gave EU ETS participants permission to use Kyoto project credits for their compliance, but also outlined a framework by which the EU ETS could connect directly with cap-and-trade programmes in nations not covered by the scheme.
To date, the discussion of how the EU ETS might link with other nations has been largely normative. This chapter seeks to provide empirical evidence of how these links have been achieved in practice, and how the scope of the trading scheme was enlarged during the trial period.
Pricing Carbon is the result of a multinational research collaboration primarily between researchers (leader in brackets) at the Mission Climat of the Caisse des Dépôts and the University Paris-Dauphine in Paris (Christian de Perthuis), University College Dublin (UCD) (Frank Convery) and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) (Denny Ellerman) but also involving researchers from the International Energy Agency (IEA) (Richard Baron and Barbara Buchner), the Öko-Institut in Berlin (Felix Matthes) and the University Paris-Dauphine (Jan Horst Keppler).
The project has been motivated by the belief that the European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme is a significant public policy experiment that should be subjected to a comprehensive and rigorous ex post evaluation. It is the world's first cap-and-trade programme for greenhouse gases, by far the largest environmental market in the world and the possible prototype for a global climate policy regime that would be based on emissions trading.
As an ex post exercise, the research reported in this book is resolutely backward-looking and focused mostly on the first three years that constituted the trial period of the EU ETS. The tone of the book is more descriptive or positive than normative. The objective is to describe, analyse, and understand what has transpired and not to prescribe what should be, or should have been. The normative preferences of the authors may intrude here and there, but the intent has been to keep these judgements to a minimum and to let every reader draw his or her own conclusions about the European experience during the trial period.
The European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) is the world's largest market for carbon and the most significant multinational initiative ever taken to mobilize markets to protect the environment. It will be an important influence on the development and implementation of trading schemes in the US, Japan, and elsewhere. However, as is true of any pioneering public policy experiment, this scheme has generated much controversy. Pricing Carbon provides the first detailed description and analysis of the EU ETS, focusing on the first 'trial' period of the scheme (2005–7). Written by an international team of experts, it allows readers to get behind the headlines and come to a better understanding of what was done and what happened based on a dispassionate, empirically based review of the evidence. This book should be read by anyone who wants to know what happens when emissions are capped, traded, and priced.
The preceding chapter discussed the issues of how and on what basis allowances were allocated. This chapter addresses a second question: what is the effect of allocation when the affected installations receive a free allocation of allowances? The debate surrounding auctioning and free allocation suggests that it matters a great deal. The purpose of this chapter is to explain how, and in what ways, allocation does (and does not) matter.
Price effects and allocation effects
Two key distinctions must be made. The first concerns the effects of free allocation itself, distinct from what would be attributed to the price created by the cap-and-trade system. If full auctioning is the means chosen for distributing allowances to installations, there will be no allocation effects because there would be no free allocation. The only effects would be those associated with the price for CO2 emissions. Free allocation raises the question of whether the allocation itself has effects beyond or additional to those associated with the carbon price.
In the classic economic explanation advanced by Coase (1960), an up-front, fixed assignment of rights to emit will have no effect on the supply and demand for the good in question – in this case emissions. Under certain idealized conditions, such as complete information or the absence of significant transactions costs, trade would occur until marginal valuations and marginal costs are equalized.1
The distinction between allocation and price effects, and the assumed independence of these effects, also raise questions about behaviour.
In a context of which Nietzsche would have approved, the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme grew out of failure. He admonishes us:
Examine the lives of the best and most fruitful people and peoples and ask yourselves whether a tree that is supposed to grow to a proud height can dispense with bad weather and storms; whether misfortune and external resistance, some kinds of hatred, jealousy, stubbornness, mistrust, hardness, avarice, and violence do not belong among the favourable conditions without which any great growth even of virtue is scarcely possible.
(Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, 1886)
The sapling that became EU ETS was a product of two failures. First, the European Commission failed in its initiative to introduce an effective EU-wide carbon energy tax in the 1990s. Second, the Commission fought unsuccessfully against the inclusion of trading as a flexible instrument in the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. This chapter explores how these apparent setbacks were followed by the successful creation of an EU-wide market in carbon dioxide.
Before delving into the political foundations of the EU ETS, some background knowledge will be useful. The first section of this chapter describes the political decision-making process within the European Union, in which power is shared between the Commission, the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. The second section explores the academic and experiential platform that made the EU ETS possible, from the work of economists Coase, Dales, Crocker and Montgomery, to the American SO2 trading programme to intellectual development within Europe.
This book focuses on the first period (2005–7) of the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), known also as the ‘pilot’ or ‘trial’ period. The EU ETS is one of the most exciting and important initiatives ever taken to limit the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change. It will be an important influence on the development and implementation of trading schemes in the United States, Japan and elsewhere. As such, it can provide the cornerstone for an eventual global trading regime, which will be an important component of the set of policies that will be needed to address climate change.
The audience for this book are those in all walks of life who want to understand how the EU ETS came about, and (especially) how it functioned in its early life. It is written by economists, but for a general audience, defined as those who take more than a passing interest in how to address our planet's climate change challenge and who are neither technically nor temperamentally attuned to the economics literature. It will also be of value to those with an interest in understanding how the European Union can function effectively in developing and executing a climate policy that has global implications.
Ever since the profession of environmental economics came into being, the integration of the environment and the economy via markets has been a core objective, and the reason why many entered the field in the first place.