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The production and use of masks at multiple scales and in diverse contexts is a millennia-long tradition in Mesoamerica. In this paper, we explore some implications of Mesoamerican masking practices in light of materiality studies and the archaeology of the senses. We also discuss a collection of 22 masks, miniature masks and representations of masks from the lower Río Verde valley of coastal Oaxaca, Mexico. The iconography of these artefacts as well as their recovery from well-documented archaeological contexts inform our interpretations of masking practices during an approximately 2000-year span of the Formative period (2000 bc–ad 250). Specifically, we argue that these masking-related artefacts index sociocultural changes in the region, from the first villages and the advent of ceramic technology during the Early Formative period (2000–1000 bc) to a time of increasing consolidation of iconographic influence in the hands of the elite in the final centuries before the Classic period. As indicated by their continued use today, masks have long been intimates of communal activities in Oaxaca.
This paper presents a comprehensive investigation into flow past a circular cylinder where compressibility and rarefaction effects play an important role. The study focuses on steady subsonic flow in the Reynolds-number range 0.1–45. Rarefaction, or non-equilibrium, effects in the slip and early transition regime are accounted for using the method of moments and results are compared to data from kinetic theory obtained from the direct simulation Monte Carlo method. Solutions obtained for incompressible continuum flow serve as a baseline to examine non-equilibrium effects on the flow features. For creeping flow, where the Reynolds number is less than unity, the drag coefficient predicted by the moment equations is in good agreement with kinetic theory for Knudsen numbers less than one. When flow separation occurs, we show that the effects of rarefaction and velocity slip delay flow separation and will reduce the size of the vortices downstream of the cylinder. When the Knudsen number is above 0.028, the vortex length shows an initial increase with the Reynolds number, as observed in the standard no-slip continuum regime. However, once the Reynolds number exceeds a critical value, the size of the downstream vortices decreases with increasing Reynolds number until they disappear. An existence criterion, which identifies the limits for the presence of the vortices, is proposed. The flow physics around the cylinder is further analysed in terms of velocity slip, pressure and skin friction coefficients, which highlights that viscous, rarefaction and compressibility effects all play a complex role. We also show that the local Knudsen number, which indicates the state of the gas around the cylinder, can differ significantly from its free-stream value and it is essential that computational studies of subsonic gas flows in the slip and early transition regime are able to account for these strong non-equilibrium effects.
Monthly mean passive microwave-derived sea-ice motion maps for 36 winters (October–April) are used to examine pan-Arctic sea-ice drift speeds and patterns. The mean Arctic Ocean sea-ice motion consists of three well-known primary circulation regimes: the Beaufort Gyre (BG), transpolar drift (TPD), and a motion system from the Kara Sea (KS). The 36-year mean winter sea-ice drift pattern is used to identify the average boundaries between the circulation regimes mentioned above. Regression analyses of the ice drift speed anomalies show statistically significant positive drift speed trends in BG, TPD and KS. Non-significant trends are associated with negative trends of generally weak drift speeds north of the Canadian Arctic and over the Chukchi/East Siberian Shelf. The first three modes of Empirical Orthogonal Functions were found to explain 30.2%, 13.5% and 8.7% of the spatial variance in the mean winter ice drift patterns and highlight the large variability in the ice drift patterns.
Mild behavioral impairment (MBI) describes later life acquired, sustained neuropsychiatric symptoms (NPS) in cognitively normal individuals or those with mild cognitive impairment (MCI), as an at-risk state for incident cognitive decline and dementia. We developed an operational definition of MBI and tested whether the presence of MBI was related to caregiver burden in patients with subjective cognitive decline (SCD) or MCI assessed at a memory clinic.
MBI was assessed in 282 consecutive memory clinic patients with SCD (n = 119) or MCI (n = 163) in accordance with the International Society to Advance Alzheimer's Research and Treatment – Alzheimer's Association (ISTAART–AA) research diagnostic criteria. We operationalized a definition of MBI using the Neuropsychiatric Inventory Questionnaire (NPI-Q). Caregiver burden was assessed using the Zarit caregiver burden scale. Generalized linear regression was used to model the effect of MBI domains on caregiver burden.
While MBI was more prevalent in MCI (85.3%) than in SCD (76.5%), this difference was not statistically significant (p = 0.06). Prevalence estimates across MBI domains were affective dysregulation (77.8%); impulse control (64.4%); decreased motivation (51.7%); social inappropriateness (27.8%); and abnormal perception or thought content (8.7%). Affective dysregulation (p = 0.03) and decreased motivation (p=0.01) were more prevalent in MCI than SCD patients. Caregiver burden was 3.35 times higher when MBI was present after controlling for age, education, sex, and MCI (p < 0.0001).
MBI was common in memory clinic patients without dementia and was associated with greater caregiver burden. These data show that MBI is a common and clinically relevant syndrome.
We examine the role of status quo bias in the ballot wording of social issues that affect the rights of minority groups. We test the salience of this framing bias by conducting an experiment that randomly assigns different ballot wordings for five policies across survey respondents. We find that status quo bias changes the percent of individuals who vote for the ballot measure by 5–8 percentage points with the least informed individuals being the most affected by status quo bias.
Imaging biomarkers for Alzheimer's disease include medial temporal lobe
atrophy (MTLA) depicted on computed tomography (CT) or magnetic resonance
imaging (MRI) and patterns of reduced metabolism on fluorodeoxyglucose
positron emission tomography (FDG-PET).
To investigate whether MTLA on head CT predicts the diagnostic usefulness
of an additional FDG-PET scan.
Participants had a clinical diagnosis of Alzheimer's disease
(n = 37) or dementia with Lewy bodies (DLB;
n = 30) or were similarly aged controls
(n = 30). We visually rated MTLA on coronally
reconstructed CT scans and, separately and blind to CT ratings, abnormal
appearances on FDG-PET scans.
Using a pre-defined cut-off of MTLA ⩾5 on the Scheltens (0–8) scale, 0/30
controls, 6/30 DLB and 23/30 Alzheimer's disease had marked MTLA. FDG-PET
performed well for diagnosing Alzheimer's disease v. DLB
in the low-MTLA group (sensitivity/specificity of 71%/79%), but in the
high-MTLA group diagnostic performance of FDG-PET was not better than
In the presence of a high degree of MTLA, the most likely diagnosis is
Alzheimer's disease, and an FDG-PET scan will probably not provide
significant diagnostic information. However, in cases without MTLA, if
the diagnosis is unclear, an FDG-PET scan may provide additional
clinically useful diagnostic information.
Non-invasive survey in the Stonehenge ‘Triangle’, Amesbury, Wiltshire, has highlighted a number of features that have a significant bearing on the interpretation of the site. Geophysical anomalies may signal the position of buried stones adding to the possibility of former stone arrangements, while laser scanning has provided detail on the manner in which the stones have been dressed; some subsequently carved with axe and dagger symbols. The probability that a lintelled bluestone trilithon formed an entrance in the north-east is signposted. This work has added detail that allows discussion on the question of whether the sarsen circle was a completed structure, although it is by no means conclusive in this respect. Instead, it is suggested that it was built as a façade, with other parts of the circuit added and with an entrance in the south.
Integrated non-invasive survey in the Stonehenge ‘triangle’, Amesbury, Wiltshire, has highlighted a number of features that have a significant bearing on the interpretation of the site. Among them are periglacial and natural topographical structures, including a chalk mound that may have influenced site development. Some geophysical anomalies are similar to the post-holes in the car park of known Mesolithic date, while others beneath the barrows to the west may point to activity contemporary with Stonehenge itself. Evidence that the ‘North Barrow’ may be earlier in the accepted sequence is presented and the difference between the eastern and western parts of the enclosure ditch highlighted, while new data relating to the Y and Z Holes and to the presence of internal banks that mirror their respective circuits is also outlined.
One of the abiding impressions made by Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (henceforth SGGK) on its readers is that the Green Knight is an embodiment of nature. An earlier generation of scholars saw the poem chiefly as a museum of Celtic folklore, but Celtic paganism and the ‘Green Man’, both associated with a mystical, proto-Romantic reverence for the natural environment, remain a part of its critical heritage. Despite the manifest courtliness and hospitality practised at the Green Knight's castle, where Gawain spends Christmas week before riding to the Green Chapel on New Year's Day, the view persists that the Green Knight presides over a world that is very much ‘natural’ or ‘wild’ in contrast to Gawain's and Arthur's. This is perhaps because both in the form of Bertilak and in the form of the Green Knight, Gawain's host and adversary are represented as a man of the forest. As Bertilak (whose name is revealed to Gawain in 2445), he leads boisterous hunting parties three days in a row, traversing the forest around his castle. As the Green Knight, he maintains the seemingly remote Green Chapel in a rugged landscape that impresses Gawain as ‘wylde’ (2163), the oratory of the devil himself (2190–4), even though it stands somewhere within or very near to the forest where Bertilak hunts – in fact, it is ‘not two myle henne’ (1078), as Bertilak cheerfully informs Gawain.
Gallaphur tant erra que au troisieme jour il monta une montaigne ou il trouva ung temple … Dist l'ancien home …: – Sire, on aoure ceans la Deesse des Songes. – Par ma foy, dist Gallaphur, c'est une fole deesse. – Ne vous en gabbez pas, dist le varlet, car elle est de grand merite, et ne vous conseille point d'entrer ceans au moins que ne faittes vostre paix a elle. – Sire, dist Gallaphur, oncquez plus ne oÿ parler d'elle et le roy Perce-forest en son tamps ne souffroit aourer que le Dieu Souverain. – Sire, dist le varlet, le roy Perceforest aouroit a sa devotion. Mais après sa mort une dame nommee Sarra … donnoit respons aux pucelles de leurs songes …, tellement qu'aprez sa mort les pucelles l'ont nommé la Deesse des Songes et lui ont fait ce temple ou elles l'aourent, car personne ne veille une nuit en ce temple que … il songera aucune chose du tamps advenir dont sur ce pourveoir se pourra. – Vallet, dist Gallaphur, bien sçay que le roy Perce-forest ama moult ceste dame en son tamps, mais on ne doit pas legierement croire sy haulte aventure comme d'une femme mortelle tenir a deesse, combien que ceste nuit demourray ceans pour sçavoir aucun point de sa vertu. … Sy s'endormy … Lors lui sambla que la deesse Sarra lui vint au devant … puis l'emmena sus une tant haulte montaigne qu'il pouoit bien voir tout le païs de Bretaigne, puis lui dist: – Gallaphur, regarde, retiens et mets en memoire ce que voir pues a l'entour de toy. Atant s'en parti et Gallaphur demoura esbahi des merveilles qu'il veoit par la Grant Bretaigne.
Malory's Tale of the Sankgreal (henceforth M) is generally considered the ‘least original’ of his adaptations, conforming in most significant respects to the plot of the Vulgate Queste del Saint Graal (Q). The main alterations Malory appears to have made are thematic; most notably, he clearly downplays the mystical and devotional flavour of Q in his work. However, the precise extent of Malory's manipulation of his materials is hard to quantify, since the version of Q from which he was working does not match any known version of that text. Eugène Vinaver suggested that Malory's exemplar was probably closer to the lost common original of Q than to any of the surviving versions of the text. No French-language manuscript has yet been discovered that seems to represent the version known to Malory, but that does not necessarily mean that Malory's work is the only witness to this particular version of Q. The evidence of the medieval Irish translation of the Vulgate, Lorgaireacht an tSoidigh Naomhtha (L), has, so far, been largely overlooked. L's editor, Sheila Falconer, believed, like Vinaver, that the exemplar for her text ‘ranked high in the MS tradition of the Quest’ and, significantly, there are numerous points at which L and M share details not found in any known version of Q. It seems possible that L was translated from a version of Q close to, or identical with, the version Malory knew and, as such, may provide the best witness we have to the characteristics of his exemplar.
In the prologue to the mid-fifteenth-century adaptation of the ‘rhymed story of Erec, the son of King Lac,’ the prosateur describes his work as a ‘transmutation’: ‘… pour ce que l'en m'a presentee le histoire de Erec le filz du roy Lach en rime, je, au plaisir de Dieu, occuperay mon estude ung petit de tamps a le transmuer de rime en prose …’ (Because I have been presented with the rhymed story of Erec, the son of King Lac, I shall, God willing, devote a little time to transposing it from verse into prose …). The term transmuer (to transform or change) suggests the extent of the modifications the adapter performed as he turned Chrétien's poem into prose. Readers of Arthurian romances will be familiar with the techniques the redactor deployed in appropriating Chrétien's text: abbreviation, amplification and rationalization. However, the full compass of the transformations, which occur on a socio-cultural level but more importantly, inform the literary art, may be surprising to them. Indeed, the modifications affect the structure and the meaning of the romance. While the prose text respects the general outline of the story, it abbreviates or omits many elements, but also embroiders, alters and even adds new material. In addition, it changes countless details in such a way that the adaptation is in fact a completely new text.
Perceforest is the greatest of the unread Arthurian romances. There is still no complete modern edition, and in order to read the last book, you have to use the huge folio volumes produced in Paris in the early sixteenth century, designed to satisfy the enthusiasm of buyers of the new-fangled romances in book form. Neglected until a summary version by Jeanne Lods appeared in 1951, it was only with the appearance of the first volume of the Textes littéraires français edition by Jane Taylor in 1979 that it began to attract wider attention among Arthurian scholars, reinforced by the publication of all but the sixth part of the romance by 2007. Now that Nigel Bryant has produced an English version, its extraordinary riches are available to a much wider audience. This article explores the possible historical context in which it was originally composed.
I say ‘originally composed’ deliberately, because the version that we have is almost certainly a reworking in the fifteenth century of a fourteenth-century prose romance. The language is not that of the mid fourteenth century, and much of the content is similar in style to that of the Burgundian romances of the mid fifteenth century. These were new versions of twelfth- and thirteenth-century texts, by now archaic in their language.
The influence and significance of the legend of Arthur are fully demonstrated by the subject matter and time-span of articles here. Topics include Perceforest in historical context; a new source for Malory's Morte Darthur; magic and the supernatural in early Welsh Arthurian narrative; and ecology in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. Contributors: Richard W. Barber; Nigel Bryant; Aisling Byrne; Carol J. Chase; Siân Echard; Helen Fulton; Michael Twomey; Patricia Victorin.
In 1842, The British History of Geoffrey of Monmouth appeared in the series The Monkish Historians of Great Britain. Already published were Bede's Ecclesiastical History, a volume of Gildas's and Nennius's Histories and the Chronicle of Richard of Devizes, along with Richard of Cirencester's description of Britain. Further works of Bede, histories by William of Malmesbury and William of Newburgh, the Saxon Chronicles and Asser's Life of Alfred were all in press. The series page announced that several of the volumes were appearing ‘in an English dress’ for the first time, but this particular book was a revised edition, by the prolific editor and translator J. A. Giles (1808–1884), of Aaron Thompson's 1718 English translation of Geoffrey's Historia regum Britannie. Giles makes it clear in his own preface that both Geoffrey and his first translator should be treated with considerable suspicion. Of Geoffrey, he writes, ‘We do not insert the BRITISH HISTORY in our series of Early English Records as a work containing an authentic narrative, nor do we wish to compare Geoffrey of Monmouth with Bede in point of veracity’. Describing Thompson's preface to the 1718 translation, Giles is blunt with respect to the former's credulity: ‘Prefixed to the work is a long introduction in which the translator endeavours to defend his author from the charge of having inserted the narrative which he professes to have translated from the Old British Tongue. It is now, of course, universally admitted that the whole series of British Kings, from Brutus downwards, is a tissue of fables’.
The term ‘Celtic magic’ has had a long currency in medieval studies, particularly Arthurian studies. being positioned alongside ‘Celtic myth’ as a convenient explanation for elements in vernacular medieval romance whose provenance is not otherwise obvious. Yet both terms. ‘Celtic’ and ‘magic’, are problematic when it comes to definitions, and this is particularly so in relation to two of the most important survivals of Welsh Arthurian literature. Culhwch ac Olwen (Culhwch and Olwen) and Breuddwyd Rhonabwy (The Dream of Rhonabwy). Both tales locate Arthur in the centre of a magic landscape; one that is subject to supernatural events. The figure of Arthur himself is presented quite differently in both texts, and in many ways The Dream of Rhonabwy foreshadows the loss of magic. in the sense of personal charisma and superhuman ability. that accompanies Arthur's appropriation into the French and English traditions. Moreover. particular kinds of literary magic in medieval texts can be related to certain types of narrative discourse. In its most familiar sense. ‘magic’ is associated with narrative agency. that is. with persons or objects who dispense and control the application of magic. whether these are fairy women or kings, or specific objects such as magic rings or potions. This agentive magic. typical of medieval romance. is produced through a discourse of realism which comes close to the modern mode of magic realism. Early Welsh and Irish tales, however, use a different kind of narrative mode; one that foregrounds naturalism rather than realism in its storytelling techniques. This produces a different kind of ‘magic’, an agentless occurrence of wonders that can best be described as the supernatural marvellous. The early Welsh prose tales therefore exemplify a particular narrative strategy which might be called ‘magic naturalism’.