To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Depictions of eye images and messages encouraging compliance with social norms have successfully motivated behavioral change in a variety of experimental and applied settings. We studied the effect of these 2 visual cues on hand hygiene adherence in a cohort of hospital-based healthcare providers participating in an electronic monitoring and feedback program.
Prospective, quasi-experimental study utilizing an interrupted time-series design. Intervention placards depicting an image of eyes, a social norms message, or a control placard were placed near soap and alcohol-based hand-rub dispensers on 2 hospital units. Placards were alternated every 10 days. Hand hygiene opportunities and adherence rates were assessed electronically via the CenTrak Hand Hygiene Compliance Solution.
A total of 166 nurses and certified nursing assistants (74 on a medical-surgical unit and 92 on a progressive care unit) were monitored electronically over the 4-month study period. In total, 184,172 electronic observations were collected (110,903 on a medical-surgical unit and 73,269 on a progressive care unit). The median daily number of electronic observations was 1,471 (interquartile range, 1,337–1,584). The preintervention baseline hand hygiene adherence rate was 70%. No statistically significant increase in hand hygiene adherence was observed as a result of either intervention.
Displaying eye images or a social norms message in the hospital environment did not result in measurable improvements in HH adherence in a cohort of healthcare providers participating in an electronic monitoring and feedback program.
Voter turnout may be the most widely hailed indicator of the robustness of a democracy. While it is true that lack of participation in a democratic system might sometimes indicate contentment, democratic reformers generally believe that more voter involvement is a good thing. Federal and state reforms have sought explicitly to increase registration and turnout rates. Initiatives such as the Voting Rights Act and provisions for overseas voters have been targeted at specific groups in society, while others, such as “motor voter” legislation and Election Day registration (EDR), have been aimed at the electorate as a whole. This chapter assesses levels of voter registration and turnout across the states, with a focus on the 2008 and 2010 elections, and how those rates are shaped by demographic, political, and policy factors at the state level.
This “view from the top” produces several conclusions. First, and perhaps surprisingly, a measure of registration based on the Current Population Survey (CPS) is often superior to one based on official state reports. Second, there is a great deal of inertia in turnout rates and especially registration rates, suggesting that state efforts to influence these rates have only limited effect in the short run. Third, there is substantial variation across states, more so than over time, indicating that state factors are quite important. Fourth, although registration and turnout rates are correlated, states vary significantly in the degree to which registrants actually vote. Fifth, turnout rates, and to a much lesser degree registration rates, are influenced by state election laws, suggesting they are appropriate indicators of election performance that can be influenced by state policy makers. Finally, there has been a convergence of states over time in terms of turnout that is likely the result of changes in demographics, campaigns, and election practices.
Policymaking in the realm of elections is too often grounded in anecdotes and opinions, rather than in good data and scientific research. To remedy this, The Measure of American Elections brings together a dozen leading scholars to examine the performance of elections across the United States, using a data-driven perspective. This book represents a transformation in debates about election reform, away from partisan and ideological posturing, toward using scientific analysis to evaluate the conduct of contemporary elections. The authors harness the power of newly available data to document all aspects of election administration, ranging from the registration of voters to the counting of ballots. They demonstrate what can be learned from giving serious attention to data, measurement, and objective analysis of American elections.
As was noted in the acknowledgments, this volume originally arose as a way to kill two birds with one stone: to help infuse additional energy into the quantitative analysis of national election policy and to help provide guidance to the Pew Charitable Trusts, which in 2012 was considering whether to launch what eventually emerged as the Elections Performance Index (EPI). At the time the papers for this volume were commissioned, Pew was considering more than twenty indicators for inclusion in the index. Although the authors were given freedom to approach the topics of their chapters how they wished, and to report on any conclusions they reached in the process of doing their analyses, each author (or set of authors) was asked to provide some assessment of the indicators that were most relevant to the topic they addressed.
Readers of this volume will recognize the independence with which the authors pursued their tasks. Some provided explicit discussions of the reliability and validity of a set of possible election index indicators, while other authors were more implicit in their assessments. It is to the credit of the authors that their analyses led to the abandonment of some of the indicators that that been proposed for the EPI. (The clearest example was a proposed indicator concerning the confidence voters had that their votes had been counted as cast. Paul Gronke’s analysis in Chapter 10 provided a good argument that measures of voter confidence are important for understanding how voters think about the elections they participate in, but that survey responses to standard voter confidence questions are too influenced by partisan attitudes to be considered useful for assessing how well state and local officials run elections.) In other cases, the analysis required Pew and its advisory committee to rethink how indicators were measured, or how they were conceptualized.
Whenever this question is posed, it is common to answer it from the position of deeply held beliefs, but rarely from the position of a systematic analysis of facts. These beliefs might arise from partisanship: a good election is one that my favored candidate wins. These beliefs might be chauvinistic: a good election is one run according to the rules of my community.
Rarely are these beliefs rooted in hard facts.
When facts intervene, they rarely are presented in a systematic fashion. Opinions about levels of voter fraud might be attributable to a viral YouTube video. Concerns about the effects of a new voter identification law might be informed by a reporter’s interview with an activist who is eager to share stories about how voters she has talked with will be disenfranchised on Election Day. Satisfaction with a new electronic voting machine may be illustrated by a picture of a smiling citizen coming out of the precinct with an “I Voted” sticker stuck to her lapel. Disdain about the ability of local governments to run elections might follow from a newspaper article detailing yet another season of long lines when waiting to vote in Florida (or South Carolina or Maryland or …). At its worst, this approach is evaluation by anecdote.
Mock galaxy catalogues are essential to the error analysis of cosmological measurements from big galaxy surveys covering thousands of square degrees in the sky, like BOSS, WiggleZ, DES, or Euclid. The PTHalos mock galaxy catalogues were used in the BOSS survey to analyse the BAO measurement from the CMASS (z∼ 0.57) and LOWZ (z∼ 0.32) galaxy samples, which provided the best estimate to date of the cosmic distance scale from galaxy surveys at these redshifts. We review the PTHalos mocks galaxy catalogues and their key contributions to these analyses.
Scholarship on distributive politics focuses almost exclusively on the internal operations of Congress, paying particular attention to committees and majority parties. This article highlights the president, who has extensive opportunities, both ex ante and ex post, to influence the distribution of federal outlays. We analyze two databases that track the geographic spending of nearly every domestic program over a 24-year period—the largest and most comprehensive panels of federal spending patterns ever assembled. Using district and county fixed-effects estimation strategies, we find no evidence of committee influence and mixed evidence that majority party members receive larger shares of federal outlays. We find that districts and counties receive systematically more federal outlays when legislators in the president's party represent them.