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The present study was designed to examine the effects of selection for milk production as well as stage of pregnancy, on the grazing behaviour of dairy cattle. Subjects were 43 Holstein-Friesian cows from the Langhill Dairy Herd in Edinburgh. The herd consists of two genetic lines, one selected for high milk solids yield and a control line of average genetic index for milk solids yield. Animals of both genetic lines were observed as non-lactating heifers in 1992 and as first lactating and dry cows in 1993. Behaviour was recorded using scan-sampling procedures during seven observation periods at day and two periods at night. For analysis animals were grouped by their first lactation 305-day ECM (energy-corrected milk) yield for four observation periods during the day and for both night time observations animals were additionally grouped by stage of pregnancy. The majority of selected animals was in the high yielders’ group. In September 1992 and 1993 herbage intake on pasture was also investigated.
No significant influence of 305-day ECM yield on time spent grazing, lying or ruminating was found. The influence of stage of pregnancy was stronger, although results for heifers and cows were contradictory. During the day heifers which were closer to parturition spent less time grazing (P < 0.10 in two of three periods) and more time lying (P < 0.05 in one period) whereas lactating cows in late pregnancy spent more time grazing and less time lying (P < 0.01 and P < 0.10, respectively). High yielders had higher herbage intakes than low yielders but this result was significant for heifers only (P < 0.01).
Creep food intake of suckling piglets varies considerably between individuals (Pajor et al., 1991). The creep feeding status of individual piglets can be monitored by video recording or by combining the weight of the food removed from the electronic dispensers with monitoring by video recording. However, the analysis of videotapes is time-consuming, which limits its widespread use on farm. From a practical standpoint, monitoring the food intake by piglets either before or after weaning is important to provide useful information for a management strategy. Therefore a general, quick and valid method to detect the food intake experience of piglets would be valuable and is needed. The aim of this investigation was to determine if a device that automatically spray-marked piglets at the trough could reliably identify those pigs that had foraged the food in the trough.
Neonatal viability is one of the key factors affecting piglets’ vitality, which ultimately affects the survival and growth of piglets (England, 1974). As colostrum is the only food resource of neonatal piglets, their ability to acquire the colostrum as early as possible after their birth can determine their vitality. Piglets are usually supplied with creep food at some time during the suckling period in order to improve their performance before and after weaning. However, the creep food intake varies between litters and between individuals. Furthermore, the relationship between viability in early life and the acceptance of a new food (e.g. creep food) when they first encounter it, is not fully understood. The objectives of this study were to investigate factors affecting the neonatal viability of piglets at birth and to identify the relationship between neonatal viability and subsequent creep feeding behaviour by piglets on d14-d15.
Piglets are usually supplied with solid food - creep food - at a time when most are still obtaining adequate nutrition from milk. Getting piglets started on solid food may help their growth performance both before and after weaning. As young piglets are highly exploratory animals (A'Ness et al., 1997) and food restriction increases the tendency of older pigs to express foraging behaviour (Lawrence et al., 1988), the objective of this experiment was to examine the relative importance of exploratory behaviour and hunger on initiation of creep feeding by piglets.
Eight litters of Large White x Landrace piglets were used in this study. Each piglet was ear tagged and weighed within 24h of birth. When a litter was 16 days old (d16), each piglet was weighed and 8 piglets were taken in pairs, between nursings, to one of two experimental pens for 30 mins familiarization and filming, twice each.
English seaborne depredation acquired new energy and direction during the second half of the seventeenth century, paving the way for the alarming, but shortlived, globalization of organized piracy. Drawing on a long tradition of plunder at sea, English pirates and rovers ranged the Caribbean, spread outwards into the Pacific and Atlantic, and infiltrated the Indian Ocean, exposing the vulnerability of international trade and colonial settlements to attack. The development of long-distance piracy deliberately confused boundaries between legal and illegal activity. With official sanction or unofficial connivance, privateering and buccaneering skirted the bounds of legality. In these circumstances the expansion of English piracy, the product of an inherent centrifugal tendency, created fragmented and fractured forms of enterprise. By the early eighteenth century the activities of a group of pirate leaders were beginning to place an intolerable burden on key commercial and colonial networks of the British economy. When this was accompanied by signs of institutional form and organization, including the emergence of scattered pirate settlements, as well as a provocative and threatening outlaw culture, the resources of the state were deployed to destroy the menace of organized piracy. One of the underlying themes of this period, therefore, was a shifting perception of piracy, particularly in its wider relationship with state and community. It was an important development, which effectively forestalled the appearance, in shadow outline, of an anti-empire of sea rovers that preyed on the resources of ambitious, expanding and increasingly powerful metropolitan interests.
Context: sea war and plunder during the 1650s
Although organized English piracy appeared to be in retreat during the 1630s, the civil war led to the revival of widespread plunder at sea of varied and contested legality. Both royalists and parliamentarians resorted to the licensing of privateering. Royalist activity continued after the execution of Charles I in 1649, through the issue of commissions by his sons, Charles and James, to English captains based in French and Flemish ports. These adventurers were dismissed as pirates by the Commonwealth regime and its supporters; if caught, they faced the prospect of trial and execution by the High Court of Admiralty.
Relationships between stable isotopes (δD–δ18O), ice facies and glacier structures have hitherto gone untested in the mid-latitude maritime glaciers of the Southern Hemisphere. Here, we present δD–δ18O values as part of a broader study of the structural glaciology of Fox Glacier, New Zealand. We analyzed 94 samples of δD–δ18O from a range of ice facies to investigate whether isotopes have potential for structural glaciological studies of a rapidly deforming glacier. The δD–δ18O measurements were aided by structural mapping and imagery from terminus time-lapse cameras. The current retreat phase was preceded by an advance of 1 km between 1984 and 2009, with the isotopic sampling and analysis undertaken at the end of that advance (2010/11). Stable isotopes from debris-bearing shear planes near the terminus, interpreted as thrust faults, are isotopically enriched compared with the surrounding ice. When plotted on co-isotopic diagrams (δD–δ18O), ice sampled from the shear planes appears to show a subtle, but distinctive isotopic signal compared with the surrounding clean ice on the lower glacier. Hence, stable isotopes (δD–δ18O) have potential within the structural glaciology field, but larger sample numbers than reported here may be required to establish isotopic contrasts between a broad range of ice facies and glacier structures.
Caregiver burden is a significant issue in the treatment of dementia and a known contributor to institutionalization of patients with dementia. Published data have documented increased caregiver burden in behavioral variant frontotemporal dementia (bvFTD) compared to Alzheimer's disease (AD). Another atypical dementia with high-perceived caregiver burden is sporadic Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease (sCJD), but no formal studies have assessed this perception. The aim of this study was to compare caregiver burden across atypical dementia etiologies.
76 adults with atypical dementia (young-onset AD [YOAD], bvFTD, language variant FTD [lvFTD], and sCJD) were administered an abbreviated version of the Zarit Burden Interview (ZBI), Neuropsychiatric Inventory (NPI-Q), and other assessment instruments during a five-year time period at Johns Hopkins Hospital (JHH). A Cox regression model examined differences between disease categories that impact mean ZBI scores.
Mean ZBI scores were significantly different between dementia etiologies, with bvFTD and sCJD having the highest caregiver burden (p = 0.026). Mean NPI-Q caregiver distress scores were highest in bvFTD and sCJD (p = 0.002), with sCJD and bvFTD also having the highest number of endorsed symptom domains (p = 0.012). On regression analyses, an interactive variable combining final diagnosis category and NPI-Q total severity score demonstrated statistically significant differences in mean ZBI scores for sCJD and bvFTD.
This study demonstrates that bvFTD and sCJD have increased levels of caregiver burden, NPI-Q caregiver distress, total severity scores, and number of endorsed symptom domains. These results suggest that higher caregiver burden in bvFTD and sCJD are disease specific and possibly related to neuropsychiatric symptoms.
In October 1581 the Privy Council in London was informed that John Piers, a notorious pirate, had been captured in Studland Bay by Thomas Walshe. Apparently the arrest of Piers with fifteen of his company was the result of a chance encounter, though the Bay was widely known as a place much frequented by pirates and other sea rovers. Piers stood accused of piracy and murder, but his notoriety was darkened by the partnership he enjoyed with his mother, Anne, who lived at Padstow and was reputedly a witch, ‘to whome by reporte … Piers hathe conveyed all suche goodes and spoiles as he hathe wickedlie gotten at the seas’. The Privy Council acted swiftly to punish and make an example of Piers and his accomplices, instructing local officials to execute some of the pirates by hanging them around the Bay. Piers escaped from Dorchester gaol through the connivance of the keeper, but he was soon recaptured. In March 1582 he was executed. Little evidence survives for any action against his mother, other than an instruction that she was to be examined following the arrest of her son. While she had acquired a reputation for disorderly living, leading members of the community provided testimony that refuted the charge of witchcraft. She was arrested at Bodmin, during the week of the assizes, while trying to dispose of some of her son's booty. Among the crowds who flocked into town she was able to sell small items of plate and silver buttons to a silversmith from Plymouth. Arousing suspicion, she was apprehended by one of the under-sheriff's men.
The development of English piracy from the 1540s to the 1720s drew on a well-established tradition of seaborne plunder. A pattern of enterprise emerged during the Anglo-French conflicts of the early sixteenth century which laid the basis for future expansion and elaboration. It included an extensive infrastructure of support, enabling piracy to take on the appearance of a business and commercial operation. Thereafter its growth was sustained by war and international rivalry, particularly with Spain, often in association with lawful forms of sea-roving. The link between piracy and reprisal venturing or privateering was an enduring characteristic of the period. According to captain Charles Johnson, whose General History of the Pyrates published in 1724 provided testimony of public interest in the subject, pirate leaders such as Edward Teach, the infamous Blackbeard of legend, and the women pirates, Anne Bonny and Mary Read, served on both kinds of ventures. Careers that criss-crossed the boundary between the lawful and unlawful indicate the contested nature of piracy as a crime, which provoked varied responses. It flourished within the uncertain, negotiated space between war, policy and maritime plunder.
Piracy developed as a dynamic, but unstable enterprise, thriving on ambiguity or adversity. It was encouraged by international conflict and rivalries, and fuelled by socio-economic dislocation and distress within a world of widening horizons and changing opportunities. While it fed off commerce, following in the path of its expansion within and beyond Europe, piracy exploited weakness.
Piracy was one of the most gendered criminal activities during the early modern period. As a form of maritime enterprise and organized criminality, it attracted thousands of male recruits whose venturing acquired a global dimension as piratical activity spread across the oceans and seas of the world. At the same time, piracy affected the lives of women in varied ways. Adopting a fresh approach to the subject, this study explores the relationships and contacts between women and pirates during a prolonged period of intense and shifting enterprise. Drawing on a wide body of evidence and based on English and Anglo-American patterns of activity, it argues that the support of female receivers and maintainers was vital to the persistence of piracy around the British Isles at least until the early seventeenth century. The emergence of long-distance and globalized predation had far reaching consequences for female agency. Within colonial America, women continued to play a role in networks of support for mixed groups of pirates and sea rovers; at the same time, such groups of predators established contacts with women of varied backgrounds in the Caribbean and the Indian Ocean. As such, female agency formed part of the economic and social infrastructure which supported maritime enterprise of contested legality. But it co-existed with the victimisation of women by pirates, including the Barbary corsairs. As this study demonstrates, the interplay between agency and victimhood was manifest in a campaign of petitioning which challenged male perceptions of women's status as victims. Against this background, the book also examines the role of a small number of women pirates, including the lives of Mary Read and Ann Bonny, while addressing the broader issue of limited female recruitment into piracy. JOHN C. APPLEBY is Senior Lecturer in History at Liverpool Hope University.
In 1614 Richard Daniel, a ship-master from Youghal, was seized with the rest of his company by pirates and sold into slavery. Four years later his wife, Ellen, received a licence from the Lord Deputy of Ireland, authorizing her to beg for two years, to support herself and five small children, while collecting money for his ransom. How she survived with such a burden is unknown. Like other women in similar situations, she may have received help from kin or neighbours, including support from parish relief which was supplemented by earnings from low-paid casual work as well as unlicensed begging. As in so many other cases involving the poor during this period, her life appears as a fleeting, fragmentary episode whose personal dramas and crises are veiled by a lack of evidence. Whether she was successful in recovering her husband from captivity is also unknown, though as the years passed the prospect of his return receded. Daniel's difficult circumstances formed part of a broader pattern experienced by thousands of women whose spouses, partners or sons were taken prisoner and enslaved by the Barbary corsairs, a hybrid collection of pirates and sea raiders operating from bases in the Mediterranean and North Africa. The scale of the problem provoked various solutions and remedies, some of which were profoundly revealing about wider attitudes towards women. The anonymous author of the ‘Seamen's New Year's Gift to the King’, of January 1636, glossed over the plight of women such as Ellen Daniel, arguing that prostitutes and others should be exchanged for male captives in Barbary.
Staging an execution was a tricky business. Combining real and symbolic meanings, the spectacle of punishment and penitence depended on the key actors playing their parts according to the demands of the state and the expectations of the audience. Such scenes were memorialized for a wider public in the illustrations which appeared in criminal biographies of pirates and highwaymen with growing frequency during the early eighteenth century. One striking example shows the execution of the pirate captain, Stede Bonnet, in November 1718. It is from A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates by captain Charles Johnson, which was published in London during 1724. Bonnet was an unusual recruit to piracy. Described by Johnson as a ‘Gentleman of good Reputation’ of Barbados, his acquaintances believed that he was tempted into the business because of a ‘Disorder in his Mind’ brought on by ‘some Discomforts he found in a married State’. As a pirate, he met with little success. For a brief period he consorted with Edward Teach, commonly known as Blackbeard, who was killed during a violent encounter off the coast of Carolina. Bonnet and his men were subsequently captured further along the coast during September 1718. The pirates were tried and found guilty at a court held in Charleston. On 8 November twenty-two of the company were executed at White Point. Bonnet was hanged several days later. According to Johnson, he struggled to live up to the role expected of him.
England played a leading role in promoting and maintaining seaborne plunder of varied forms from the 1540s to the 1720s. Building on medieval tradition, piracy and privateering flourished within the local waters of the British Isles. Its expansion overseas initiated a process of predatory globalization which led English adventurers to prey on shipping across the oceans and seas of the world. Adapting to local conditions it was grafted on to corsair enterprise in the Mediterranean and merged with buccaneering in the Caribbean. It was a remarkably dynamic, but also fragmented, development. At times of intense activity thousands of male recruits were attracted into piracy. At least 1,000 rovers were operating during the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. During the period from 1716 to 1726 between 1,000 and 2,000 pirates were active at any particular time; collectively as many as 5,000 were at sea across these years. After decades of cultural adaptation and improvisation, pirate groups had acquired a defiant, unrepentant lifestyle, appearing as a kind of social banditry. Their conduct, contradictory and chaotic, violent and abusive, cannot be easily explained by economics alone. Though driven by the quest for booty, pirate recruits also appeared to be in search of a lost world of reciprocity and mutuality at sea, which saw some groups masquerading as ‘Robbin Hoods Men’ during the 1720s. The retribution and punishment inflicted on some ship-masters was a direct result of changing maritime conditions and labour relations, as owners and merchants tried to raise productivity levels among the merchant marine. Such conditions were dramatized by shipboard politics, providing a breeding ground for discontent and mutinous behaviour which was increasingly linked with piracy.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries women played a varied and vital role ashore in maintaining piracy, yet very few were directly involved in roving at sea. Indeed the idea of women pirates seems unsettling, if not outlandish, challenging male expectations and fears regarding gender stereotypes. At least one modern study emphatically declares that, with the possible exception of the Chinese, ‘no woman is known to have committed piracy at sea’. Captain Johnson, whose rogues' gallery of sea rovers included Anne Bonny and Mary Read, two of the most notorious female pirates, disarmingly admitted that their lives were like a novel or romance. But he insisted that the ‘odd Incidents of their rambling Lives … [were] supported by many thousand Witnesses … who were present at their Tryals, and heard the Story of their Lives, upon the first Discovery of their Sex’. While defending the veracity of his account, Johnson laboured to include Bonny and Read within the ranks of Anglo-American pirate communities of the early eighteenth century. The ‘Truth of it can be no more contested’, he proclaimed, ‘than that there were such Men in the World, as Roberts and Black-beard‘.