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Institutionally deprived young children often display distinctive patterns of attachment, classified as insecure/other (INS/OTH), with their adoptive parents. The associations between INS/OTH and developmental trajectories of mental health and neurodevelopmental symptoms were examined. Age 4 attachment status was determined for 97 Romanian adoptees exposed to up to 24 months of deprivation in Romanian orphanages and 49 nondeprived UK adoptees. Autism, inattention/overactivity and disinhibited-social-engagement symptoms, emotional problems, and IQ were measured at 4, 6, 11, and 15 years and in young adulthood. Romanian adoptees with over 6 months deprivation (Rom>6) were more often classified as INS/OTH than UK and Romanian adoptees with less than 6 months deprivation combined. INS/OTH was associated with cognitive impairment at age 4 years. The interaction between deprivation, attachment status, and age for autism spectrum disorder assessment was significant, with greater symptom persistence in Rom>6 INS/OTH(+) than other groups. This effect was reduced when IQ at age 4 was controlled for. Age 4 INS/OTH in Rom>6 was associated with worse autism spectrum disorder outcomes up to two decades later. Its association with cognitive impairment at age 4 is consistent with INS/OTH being an early marker of this negative developmental trajectory, rather than its cause.
Early-life institutional deprivation produces disinhibited social engagement (DSE). Portrayed as a childhood condition, little is known about the persistence of DSE-type behaviours into, presentation during, and their impact on, functioning in adulthood.
We examine these issues in the young adult follow-up of the English and Romanian Adoptees study.
A total of 122 of the original 165 Romanian adoptees who had spent up to 43 months as children in Ceauşescu's Romanian orphanages and 42 UK adoptees were assessed for DSE behaviours, neurodevelopmental and mental health problems, and impairment between ages 2 and 25 years.
Young adult DSE behaviour was strongly associated with early childhood deprivation, with a sixfold increase for those who spent more than 6 months in institutions. However, although DSE overlapped with autism spectrum disorder and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder symptoms it was not, in itself, related to broader patterns of mental health problems or impairments in daily functioning in young adulthood.
DSE behaviour remained a prominent, but largely clinically benign, young adult feature of some adoptees who experienced early deprivation.
Computer graphics systems that provide interactive display and manipulation of three-dimensional data are powerful tools for the analysis and communication of technical information required for characterization and design of a geologic repository for nuclear waste. Greater understanding of site performance and repository design information is possible when performance-assessment modeling results can be visually analyzed in relation to site geologic and hydrologic information and engineering data for surface and subsurface facilities. In turn, this enhanced visualization capability provides better communication between technical staff and program management with respect to analysis of available information and prioritization of program planning.
A commercially-available computer system was used to demonstrate some of the current technology for three-dimensional visualization within the architecture of information systems for nuclear waste management. This computer system was used to interactively visualize and analyze the information for two examples: 1) site-characterization and engineering data for a potential geologic repository at Yucca Mountain, Nevada; and 2) three-dimensional simulations of a hypothetical release and transport of contaminants from a source of radionuclides to the vadose zone. Users may assess the three-dimensional distribution of data and modeling results by interactive zooming, rotating, slicing, and peeling operations. For those parts of the database where information is sparse or not available, the software incorporates models for the interpolation and extrapolation of data over the three-dimensional space of interest.
Our analysis investigates the ideological differences in the voting records of male and female members of the U.S. House of Representatives using a relatively novel natural-experiment research design to account for variations in district-level factors. We ask whether it makes a difference when a woman succeeds a man or a man succeeds a woman in a given congressional district. To answer this question, we created a database consisting of predecessor-successor pairs in all elections to the House between 1937 and 2008. In the case of intraparty change, we find that there is no significant difference in the voting scores of female and male members of the House; the roll call scores of female Democrats who replace male Democrats are virtually identical, as are the scores of male Democrats who replace female Democrats. The same results hold for Republicans. We also demonstrate that when interparty change occurs in a district, there is no evidence that the resulting ideological change is greater when the successor or predecessor is a woman. In other words, the voting records of consecutive members of Congress that come from a particular district are virtually the same regardless of their gender.
The European Union's Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) is the world's largest market for carbon and the most significant multinational initiative ever taken to mobilize markets to protect the environment. It will be an important influence on the development and implementation of trading schemes in the US, Japan, and elsewhere. However, as is true of any pioneering public policy experiment, this scheme has generated much controversy. Pricing Carbon provides the first detailed description and analysis of the EU ETS, focusing on the first 'trial' period of the scheme (2005–7). Written by an international team of experts, it allows readers to get behind the headlines and come to a better understanding of what was done and what happened based on a dispassionate, empirically based review of the evidence. This book should be read by anyone who wants to know what happens when emissions are capped, traded, and priced.
In market-driven economies, giving parity of esteem to environmental endowments means introducing market prices for these assets that reflect their scarcity. Once the appropriate prices are in place, those who use these endowments have continuing and automatic incentives to use them parsimoniously and to find new and less expensive ways of doing so.
Thus, a critical issue in any cap-and-trade approach is whether this market price develops and whether participation in the market is broad enough to support the assumption of least-cost attainment of the environmental goal. These questions are particularly important when the facilities concerned are endowed with free allocations of allowances. In the case of free allocation, agents may not recognize the opportunity cost of using a freely allocated allowance to cover emissions and may simply consider their allocations as so many commands from the regulator to limit emissions to a specified level or to pay a required penalty. Facilities endowed with more allowances than their emissions would feel no need to abate and would simply surrender the required number of allowances and disregard the remainder. Facilities endowed with fewer allowances than needed to cover emissions would abate but only to the level of their allocation, or to the penalty price level, whichever would lead them to incur a lower marginal cost. In the absence of a market, this behaviour would be rational, but the marginal abatement cost (MAC) would vary and the environmental goal would not be achieved at least cost.
In a context of which Nietzsche would have approved, the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme grew out of failure. He admonishes us:
Examine the lives of the best and most fruitful people and peoples and ask yourselves whether a tree that is supposed to grow to a proud height can dispense with bad weather and storms; whether misfortune and external resistance, some kinds of hatred, jealousy, stubbornness, mistrust, hardness, avarice, and violence do not belong among the favourable conditions without which any great growth even of virtue is scarcely possible.
(Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, 1886)
The sapling that became EU ETS was a product of two failures. First, the European Commission failed in its initiative to introduce an effective EU-wide carbon energy tax in the 1990s. Second, the Commission fought unsuccessfully against the inclusion of trading as a flexible instrument in the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. This chapter explores how these apparent setbacks were followed by the successful creation of an EU-wide market in carbon dioxide.
Before delving into the political foundations of the EU ETS, some background knowledge will be useful. The first section of this chapter describes the political decision-making process within the European Union, in which power is shared between the Commission, the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. The second section explores the academic and experiential platform that made the EU ETS possible, from the work of economists Coase, Dales, Crocker and Montgomery, to the American SO2 trading programme to intellectual development within Europe.
Doubt is an uncomfortable position; certainty is absurd.
While conclusions ought not to be riddled with doubt, definitive judgements on the EU ETS seem out of place, given that the first trading period offers only three years of experience and observations. Policy is often formed on less, however, and the absurdity of certainty can apply to both sides of any proposition. Thus, we hope that the reader will share the discomfort, and appreciate the tentativeness, with which the following conclusions are proposed.
CO2 emissions are no longer free
The importance of this conclusion rests not in the price, which ranged from a few cents to more than €30, but in the changes in institutions and thinking that have characterized the trial period of the EU ETS. From being seen as a quixotic and, for some, dubious initiative, the EU ETS has become an accepted fact and centrepiece of European Union climate policy. More importantly, the fact that greenhouse gas emissions have a price has become embedded in the thinking and, more particularly, in the decision-making process for production and investment affecting the sources of more than a half of European CO2 emissions.
When emissions trading was first formally suggested by the European Commission in May 1999, the European Community comprised fifteen member states with a very diverse set of policies and inclinations regarding climate policy, not to mention attitudes towards the idea of mobilizing markets to address climate change.
This book focuses on the first period (2005–7) of the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), known also as the ‘pilot’ or ‘trial’ period. The EU ETS is one of the most exciting and important initiatives ever taken to limit the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change. It will be an important influence on the development and implementation of trading schemes in the United States, Japan and elsewhere. As such, it can provide the cornerstone for an eventual global trading regime, which will be an important component of the set of policies that will be needed to address climate change.
The audience for this book are those in all walks of life who want to understand how the EU ETS came about, and (especially) how it functioned in its early life. It is written by economists, but for a general audience, defined as those who take more than a passing interest in how to address our planet's climate change challenge and who are neither technically nor temperamentally attuned to the economics literature. It will also be of value to those with an interest in understanding how the European Union can function effectively in developing and executing a climate policy that has global implications.
Ever since the profession of environmental economics came into being, the integration of the environment and the economy via markets has been a core objective, and the reason why many entered the field in the first place.
At its launch in 2005 the EU ETS covered approximately 40 per cent of all European Union greenhouse gas emissions through caps on CO2 emissions from energy-intensive sectors in the then twenty-five member states. It did not limit non-CO2 emissions from the ETS sectors, nor did it regulate emissions from agriculture, housing, waste management or transportation. Nevertheless, the emissions initially covered by the ETS represented 11 per cent of emissions from developed nations and 4 per cent of emissions worldwide.
In order to enhance its environmental impact and its cost-effectiveness over time, the EU ETS was designed to be enlarged. The directive establishing the scheme included provisions to extend the programme's coverage by enabling member states to add further installations, economic sectors and non-CO2 gases (the opt-in). Additionally, the linking directive established a connection between the EU ETS and the Kyoto Protocol. This provision not only gave EU ETS participants permission to use Kyoto project credits for their compliance, but also outlined a framework by which the EU ETS could connect directly with cap-and-trade programmes in nations not covered by the scheme.
To date, the discussion of how the EU ETS might link with other nations has been largely normative. This chapter seeks to provide empirical evidence of how these links have been achieved in practice, and how the scope of the trading scheme was enlarged during the trial period.