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Virgil's Aeneid XI is an important, yet sometimes overlooked, book which covers the funerals following the fierce fighting in Book X and a council of the Latins before they and the Trojans resume battle after the end of the truce. This edition contains a thorough Introduction which provides context for Book XI both within and beyond the rest of the poem, explores key characters such as Aeneas and Camilla, and deals with issues of metre and textual transmission. The line-by-line Commentary will be indispensable for students and instructors wishing to enhance their understanding of the poem and especially of Virgil's language and syntax. Accessible and comprehensive, the volume will help readers to appreciate features of Virgilian style as well as deepening their engagement with the content and themes of the Aeneid as a whole.
We investigated how initial conflicts in adolescent romantic relationships escalate into serious forms of conflict, including intimate partner violence (IPV). We focused on whether adolescents’ micro-level interaction patterns, i.e., coercion and positive engagement, mediated between conflict and future IPV. The sample consisted of 91 heterosexual couples, aged 13 to 18 years (M = 16.5, SD = 0.99) from a diverse background (42% Hispanic/Latino, 42% White). Participants completed surveys about conflict at Time 1, and they participated in videotaped conflict and jealousy discussions. At Time 2, participants completed surveys about conflict and IPV, and an average daily conflict score was calculated from ecological momentary assessments. Multilevel hazard models revealed that we did not find support for dyadic coercion as a risk process leading to escalations in conflict. However, a higher likelihood of ending dyadic positive behaviors mediated between earlier levels of conflict and a latent construct of female conflict and IPV. Classic coercive dynamics may not apply to adolescent romantic relationships. Instead, not being able to reinforce levels of positivity during conflict predicted conflict and IPV as reported by females. The implications of these findings for understanding coercion in the escalation from conflict to IPV in adolescent romantic relationships are discussed.
Background: SMA is a neurodegenerative disease caused by biallelic deletion/mutation of SMN1. Copies of a similar gene (SMN2) modify disease severity. In a phase 1 study, SMN GRT onasemnogene abeparvovec (AVXS-101) improved outcomes of symptomatic SMA patients with two SMN2 copies (2xSMN2) dosed ≤6 months. Because motor neuron loss can be insidious and disease progression is rapid, early intervention is critical. This study evaluates AVXS-101 in presymptomatic SMA newborns. Methods: SPR1NT is a multicenter, open-label, phase 3 study enrolling ≥27 SMA patients with 2–3xSMN2. Asymptomatic infants ≤6 weeks receive a one-time intravenous AVXS-101 infusion (1.1x1014 vg/kg). Safety and efficacy are assessed through study end (18 [2xSMN2] or 24 months [3xSMN2]). Primary outcomes: independent sitting for ≥30 seconds (18 months [2xSMN2]) or assisted standing (24 months [3xSMN2]). Results: From April–September 2018, 7 infants received AVXS-101 (4 female; 6 with 2xSMN2) at ages 8–37 days. Mean baseline CHOP-INTEND score was 41.7 (n=6), which increased by 6.8, 11.0, 18.0, and 22.5 points at day 14 (n=4), month 1 (n=3), 2 (n=3), and 3 (n=2). Updated data available at the time of the congress will be presented. Conclusions: Preliminary data from SPR1NT show rapid motor function improvements in presymptomatic SMA patients.
It is frequently suggested that law school debt is preventing new law school graduates from entering public service careers. The basis for this contention is largely anecdotal, however. This study puts the presumption to empirical scrutiny. Aggregate data from law schools and individual-level data from law students both point to the same conclusion: law students may indeed be competing in a money chase, but it is not because of their indebtedness. Private firms with prestige and high salaries are appealing to many students regardless of their debt burden. And government and public interest jobs may be in too short supply to meet the demand of non-elite students who are essentially closed out of the high-paying jobs in larger firms. The biggest barrier between these students and public service jobs may be the lack of supply of these jobs, not the lack of demand for them.
Most early modern Scots would have agreed that the world was imbued with spirits. However, the nature of these spirits was open to debate. Educated folk commonly erased ghosts from the celestial schema, instead identifying apparitions as angels or (more frequently) as demons. The main biblical justification for ghosts was the Old Testament story of the Witch of Endor (1 Samuel 28:3–25), which focused on the tribulations of King Saul of Israel and Judah. Saul had driven the magicians and mediums from his land, but while preparing to wage war against a host of Philistines, he became afraid. He repaired to a medium who had remained in Endor, and by his request, she raised the deceased prophet Samuel. The tidings were bleak. Saul learned that he was to lose the battle, and that he and his sons were to die – prophecies that were shortly fulfilled. The story suggested that ghosts might appear on earth, but it was not conclusive. The apparition of Samuel was tainted by the association with witchcraft and necromancy, and might be read as a devil in disguise. In the absence of clear biblical guidance, medieval theologians expressed varying views on the orthodoxy of ghosts. Scepticism became more pronounced with the sixteenth-century Protestant Reformation, when ghosts were widely identified as demons. Stories of ghosts circulated in sixteenthand seventeenth-century Scotland, but were often dogged with disclaimers.
Ghosts in the Middle Ages
There are few records of Scottish ghosts before the eighteenth century. The Europe-wide picture is better documented, however, and offers some contextualisation for the sparse Scottish sources. In early medieval Europe, most clerical figures rejected the idea that dead souls could return to earth. Ghost stories had been common in ancient Greek and Roman culture, and were tinged with paganism in the eyes of the early church fathers. Tertullian (c.160–c.230) and Lactantius (c.250–c.325) dismissed ghosts as a vulgar superstition. Augustine of Hippo (354–430) allowed only for the ‘image’ of a dead person to return, as opposed to an actual spirit or soul, and explained that this image was created by angels or demons.
The lingering dead are a timeless concept. There is a history to be written that traces ghostly manifestations across different cultures and periods, exploring the strands of continuity, and reflecting on what it means to be mortal. But ghosts also came in a wide variety of forms, and their evolutions tell a story as well. In the long eighteenth century, Scottish ghosts passed through several stages of development, and came to reflect on an increasingly wide range of contemporary concerns. By the end of the period, Scotland was marketed as a haunted nation. There is an irony in this, given that the Enlightenment is persistently associated with the rationalisation of Western culture. It is true that ghosts (and other supernatural beings) were reevaluated in the light of the medical and philosophical developments of the period, but naturalised visions of ghosts constituted only one of multiple possible explanatory frameworks. Varied ways of thinking about ghosts reflect a range of complementary and competing cultural forces, and challenge overly simplistic models of social change.
Ghosts had an ambiguous place in medieval culture: they were sometimes interpreted as the returning dead, and sometimes as diabolic forces. After the Reformation and the demonological writing of James VI, the orthodox position became clearer. Apparitions were deceptions, whether conceived by drunkenness, melancholy or the wiles of the Devil. Some ghost stories remained in circulation, and the witch trials reinforced popular notions of the powerful dead. Nevertheless, this was a period when ghosts were sidelined; respectable ministers and theologians had little interest in discussing them. It is only with the work of George Sinclair and Robert Wodrow in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries that we see a serious attempt to reinstate ghosts into the Protestant worldview. The approach never became mainstream, but it established a new template for ghosts. There were continued attempts to employ them as religious propagandists throughout the eighteenth century, whether in support of basic Christian tenets, or specific theological arguments.
Relatively few ghost stories emerged from about the 1730s to the 1760s. However, the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were witness to a rapid expansion of printed ghost stories and discussion on ghosts.
In a courtroom speech published in 1673, the lawyer George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh declared that he believed in witchcraft. Providence, he suggested, allowed witches to work their wiles on Earth, ‘to the end that the being of Spirits may not be deny'd’. However, he went on to argue that society overstated the extent of the Devil's dominion, and objected that ‘to kill one another, because we cannot comprehend the reason of what each other do, is the effect of a terrible distraction’. Over the decades that followed, increasing numbers of lawyers and judges fell in with his way of thinking. Executions for witchcraft declined. The last Scottish prosecution was in 1727, and witchcraft was decriminalised in 1736. After a period in which witchcraft was an ever-present menace for communities, magical forces were ebbing out of the sphere of everyday experience. Within philosophy, too, change was afoot; David Hume's 1748 Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding offered a commentary on miracles that threatened to overhaul traditional conceptions of the supernatural world. The eighteenth century is associated with the development of a newly sceptical outlook towards stories of the supernatural, at least within educated society. This extended to ghosts. Sightings of apparitions were increasingly explained away in natural terms, or mocked by satirists. However, ghosts retained a cultural presence, and outside of the spheres of high Enlightenment discourse, educated men were prepared to speak for them.
The Complexities of Scepticism
To understand eighteenth-century scepticism regarding the supernatural, it is necessary to first understand that the vast majority of thinkers operated within a Christian framework. There was rarely any question of rejecting the supernatural altogether. Debate instead focused on the precise types of spirits in existence, and the degree of supernatural intervention in everyday life. The end of the witch-hunts is an important signifier in the story of how Scots engaged with the supernatural, but doubt about witches did not necessarily imply doubt about other categories of the supernatural. To illustrate the complex relationship between belief and scepticism, we can consider the curious case of Archibald Pitcairne (1652–1713). Pitcairne was an Edinburgh physician and a Jacobite. His religious sentiments have been the subject of some scholarly speculation. In Edinburgh he was described as a deist, and ‘by many alledged to be ane Atheist’.
Stories were told long before they were written down. The historian is always constrained by the limitations of written records, but this is particularly evident when it comes to looking at popular belief: it is difficult to determine the place of ghosts in Scottish culture when, for centuries, few considered ghost stories worth recording. Matters improve somewhat over the course of the eighteenth century. The end of the witch trials removes one body of sources, but this is outweighed by the development of print culture and antiquarian studies. This chapter uses ballads, cheap pamphlets and folklorists’ accounts to assess popular perceptions of ghosts (although these three categories are not perfectly delineated: most obviously, ballads were often printed as broadsides). Within these sources, ghosts appeared in a multitude of forms. Corpses rose from their graves to return to their former sweethearts, flesh rotting and worminfested; deceased villains bewailed their crimes, with eyes burst from their sockets, or genitalia leaking poison. Forsaken lovers drifted and lamented. There were stories of headless horses thronged in flames, of Highland spectres greedy for travellers’ blood, of white ladies and fairy-ghosts and will o’ the wisps. Ghosts were diverse, too, in their meanings: they sermonised about death or criminal behaviour, glorified love, subverted social hierarchies, upheld family or community traditions, and served as comedic figures.
It is important to note that all of these bodies of sources have drawbacks. Ballads offer the most direct window into folk culture, but they are difficult to trace and date. Cheap print culture is useful because it was targeted at a popular market, and could be read aloud, meaning that it was accessible to the illiterate. Adam Fox, Edward J. Cowan and Mike Paterson have demonstrated how cheap print can be used as a window into Scottish popular culture. However, pamphlets were still composed by educated men, and it is difficult to judge how far they circulated. Finally, folklorists’ accounts come diluted by the perceptions and preoccupations of their author. This chapter takes a broad view of popular culture: it includes stories that were produced by and for elites provided that they were demonstrably widespread in Scottish society. The aim of the chapter is not to avoid educated culture altogether, but to assess the ways in which ghosts were understood by the majority of the Scottish population.