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Patients with severe mental illness have significantly reduced lifespans. Excepting suicide, cardiovascular risk is the biggest cause. The problem is exacerbated by psychotropic medication and poor primary care engagement. Therefore psychiatrists should maximise every opportunity to promote physical health.
We audited physical examination, investigations, and documentation of past medical history (PMH) & assessments in inpatients. We used the Royal College of Psychiatrist's Physical Health in Mental Health Scoping Group 2009 guidelines as our standard.
We audited notes of all 125 patients admitted to four wards at Ladywell unit over two months (01/07/2011- 31/08/2011). We surveyed trainees to identify training and resource needs and facilitate focussed interventions.
Physical Examination: 102/125(82%) received physical examination, 60/125(48%) on admission. Average delay before examination 12 days.
Blood tests/Investigations: 89/125(71%) received blood tests: 50/125(40%) thyroid function, 67/125(54%) liver function, 28/125(22%) glucose, 1/125(0.8%) HbA1c, 38/125(30%) lipid profile. 48/125(38%) had urine drug screening, 55/125(44%) ECG.
Documentation: The following was documented: 102/125(82%) PMH, 82/125(66%) allergies, 90/125(72%) smoking status. The following was scanned into records: 23/55(42%) ECG, 72/125(58%) physical observation chart.
Survey: The trainee survey highlighted need for training updates on physical health and problems in equipment provision.
Physical assessment is inconsistent, neglecting metabolic screening. Admission is a vital window for screening/modifying physical health.
Focussed assessment guidelines should be formulated. Following the survey, teaching led by consultant physicians has been organised on identified topics including metabolic syndrome. Lack of equipment will be addressed by creation of comprehensive equipment lists, to be distributed to ward administrators.
Most political scientists self-identify as a comparativist, theorist, Americanist, or another label corresponding with the qualifying field exams (QFE) that they passed during their doctoral studies. Passing the QFE indicates that a graduate student or faculty member is broadly familiar with the full range of theories, approaches, and debates within a subfield or research theme. The value of the QFE as a form of certification, however, depends on the extent to which the subfield or theme is cohesive in and of itself as well as whether departmental lists draw on a common pool of publications. This article investigates the value of the QFE by examining the cohesiveness of 16 Canadian politics PhD QFE lists. Our findings suggest that it is problematic to assume that scholars who pass a QFE share a common knowledge base.
All herbicides will move off-target to sensitive crops when not applied correctly. Therefore, low-dose applications of flumioxazin and metribuzin were evaluated in soybean at the unifoliate, V2, and V4 growth stages. Rates evaluated were 12.5%, 25%, and 50% of the labeled use rates of 72 and 316 g ai ha−1 of flumioxazin and metribuzin, respectively. Flumioxazin injury was characterized by necrosis and visible height and width reduction. Injury increased with rate 3 d after treatment (DAT), with unifoliate, V2, and V4 soybean injured 15% to 30%, 18% to 27%, and 5% to 8%, respectively. Unifoliate and V4 soybean were injured more than V4 soybean 3 to 14 DAT, but injury decreased to <5% by 42 DAT. Soybean yields in the flumioxazin study were 92% to 96% of the nontreated, resulting in a yield loss of 196 to 393 kg ha−1 and a revenue loss of 71 to 141 US$ ha−1. Metribuzin injury was primarily chlorosis with necrosis and a visible reduction in soybean height and width. Soybean at the V2 growth stage was injured 14% more than V4 soybean 3 DAT, regardless of metribuzin rate. Injury to V2 and V4 soybean was similar 14 DAT, with injury of 21% to 40% across rates. Soybean injury when treated at the V2 and V4 growth stages was 6% to 29% 42 DAT compared to unifoliate soybean at 0 to 17%. Soybean yields in the metribuzin study yields were 96% to 98% of the nontreated. However, a 2% to 4% reduction equates to a loss of 90 to 180 kg ha−1 and a revenue loss of 32 to 65 US$ ha−1. Unifoliate and V2 soybean are more sensitive to a low dose of flumioxazin POST, and V2 and V4 soybean are more sensitive to a low dose of metribuzin POST. Injury and the impact on soybean growth could potentially cause economic loss for a soybean producer.
Disaffection of youth from politics is a well-documented phenomenon in many countries. In this article, we consider whether the social networks of young people have the same influence on political engagement as they have been found to have for older adults. We use a single dataset to test the effects of discussion and disagreement on the political engagement of young people (30 and under) and older adults. We find that social network discussion has a stronger effect on the engagement of young people but that disagreement has no clear differential effect.
Giardiasis is a treatable disease, caused by the flagellated protozoan parasite, Giardia duodenalis (G. duodenalis). It is one of the most common enteric parasites found globally to cause gastrointestinal disturbances, and infections may result in long-term irritable bowel syndrome-like symptoms. It is a common misconception that giardiasis is associated with foreign travel, which results in locally acquired cases in the UK being underdiagnosed. This report highlights the findings from one large Scottish Health Board, arising from a change in testing methodology, which resulted in the screening of all stools submitted for enteric investigations for G. duodenalis. Previous selection criteria were restricted to patients with a travel history to specific regions of the world, or on the basis of certain clinical details. In this report, clinical details were recorded from samples shown to be positive using two methods: an ELISA-based antigen detection assay and microscopy. Clinical details were assessed for a total of 28 laboratory-confirmed positive cases against the original selection criteria. Twenty-six cases (93%) would have been excluded from Giardia testing if the previous selection criteria had been applied. Although nine cases stated foreign travel, only two had been to regions deemed to be ‘high risk’. Therefore, those seven cases that travelled to perceived ‘low-risk’ regions would have been excluded from testing for this reason. This summary highlights the need for significant improvements to the selection criteria for Giardia testing. Laboratories should be encouraged towards the testing of all routinely submitted stools for this neglected pathogen to ensure cases that are acquired locally are properly identified and treated effectively.
Recent changes in government policy making and the labour market have created new opportunities for political scientists, provided that we have the skills to respond to them. We argue that changes need to be made in the area of methodology training in order to capitalize on these opportunities. Canadian political scientists should ensure that all our students acquire basic quantitative competencies, in addition to research design and qualitative analysis training, and that those graduate students interested in more sophisticated quantitative methods have the opportunity to develop those skills. We explain how expanding and deepening training in quantitative methods is one strategy for ensuring a role for political science in evidence-based policy making, for expanding labour market options for students, and for keeping apace with disciplinary trends. We caution, however, that special care needs to be taken to ensure that all political scientists have equal opportunities to develop such skills.
It is a well-established finding that proportional representation (PR) electoral systems are associated with greater legislative representation for women than single member systems. However, the degree to which different types of PR rules affect voting for female candidates has not been fully explored. The existing literature is also hampered by a reliance on cross-national data in which individual vote preferences and electoral system features are endogenous. In this study, we draw upon an experiment conducted during the 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections to isolate the effects of different PR electoral systems. Participants in the experiment were given the opportunity to vote for real EP candidates in three different electoral systems: closed list, open list, and open list with panachage and cumulation. Because voter preferences can be held constant across the three different votes, we can evaluate the extent to which female candidates were more or less advantaged by the electoral system itself. We find that voters, regardless of their gender, support female candidates, and that this support is stronger under open electoral rules.
Researchers studying electoral participation often rely on post-election surveys. However, the reported turnout rate is usually much higher in survey samples than in reality. Survey methodology research has shown that offering abstainers the opportunity to use face-saving response options succeeds at reducing overreporting by a range of 4–8 percentage points. This finding rests on survey experiments conducted in the United States after national elections. We offer a test of the efficacy of the face-saving response items through a series of wording experiments embedded in 19 post-election surveys in Europe and Canada, at four different levels of government. With greater variation in contexts, our analyses reveal a distribution of effect sizes ranging from null to minus 18 percentage points.
Voting behaviour in municipal elections is understudied in Canada. Existing research is limited by the type of data (aggregate instead of individual-level) and the cases evaluated (partisan when most contests are non-partisan). The objective of this study is to contribute to this literature by using individual-level data about a non-partisan election. To do so, we use data from the Toronto Election Study, conducted during the 2014 election. Our research goals are to evaluate whether a standard approach to understanding vote choice (the multi-stage explanatory model) is applicable in a non-partisan, municipal-level contest, and to determine the correlates of vote choice in the 2014 Toronto mayoral election in particular. Our analysis reveals that, although it was a formally non-partisan contest, voters tended to view the mayoral candidates in both ideological and partisan terms. We also find that a standard vote choice model provides valuable insight into voter preferences at the municipal level.
Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.
Background: There are no disease modifying agents for the treatment of Alzheimer’s disease (AD). Pathologically, AD is associated with the misfolding of two peptides: beta-amyloid (plaques) and tau (tangles). Methods: Using large-scale computer simulations, we modelled the misfolding of both beta-amyloid and tau, identifying a common conformational motif (CCM; i.e. an abnormal peptide shape), present in both beta-amyloid and tau, that promotes their misfolding. We screened a library of 11.8 million compounds against this in silico model of protein misfolding, identifying three novel molecular classes of putative therapeutics as anti-protein misfolding agents. We synthesized approximately 400 new chemical entity drug-like molecules in each of these three classes (i.e. 1200 potential drug candidates). These were comprehensively screened in a battery of five in vitro protein oligomerization assays. Selected compounds were next evaluated in the APP/PS1 doubly transgenic mouse model of AD. Results: Two new classes of molecules were identified with the ability to block the oligomerization of both beta-amyloid and tau. These compounds are drug-like with good pharmacokinetic properties and are brain-penetrant. They exhibit excellent efficacy in transgenic mouse models. Conclusion: Computer aided drug design has enabled the discovery of novel drug-like molecules able to inhibit both tau and beta-amyloid misfolding.
The origins and implications of partisan identification are well-studied, but negative partisan attitudes—dislike for a particular party—have escaped such scrutiny, even as the politics of negativity enjoys sustained popularity, especially come election time. In this paper we build upon the comparatively modest negative partisanship literature to consider the effects of negative partisan attitudes on a range of political behaviours. There are reasons to suspect that negative and positive partisanship may have different effects; thus, accounting for the unique influence of negative attitudes is important for understanding the full effect of partisanship on political behaviour. Our results, based upon Canadian Election Study data from 2008 and 2011, reveal that, in addition to vote choice, negative partisanship influences voter turnout and a range of political activities, both related and unrelated to parties. These findings provide evidence of the power of the “dark side” of partisanship.