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Liszt possessed, in addition to his fame and longevity, a singular attraction for artists. Especially in his youth, his Byronic good looks, characterised by an ivory profile, was such that his face was ‘one of the “looks” of the nineteenth century’.1 Much of this imagery can be placed within a very well-researched and documented biography to which the visual can constantly be referred. Nonetheless, the complexity and diversity of this vast array of representations is greater than one might at first expect as resulting simply from its scale. Richard Leppert aptly described this diversity when he observed that:
The images [of Liszt] employed all major visual media of the nineteenth century: photography, oil painting, oil miniature, pastel, drawing … watercolour, silhouette, wood engraving, steel plate engraving, lithography, sculpture, relief … and caricature. In an age obsessed with the visual, Liszt’s body was an object of almost fetishized fascination, whether in a form that idealised him as an artistic genius or mocked him as a freak of nature or tasteless circus performer.2
It is also worth pausing for a moment to consider implications of this richness of the source materials from the perspective of how we are to approach it now. While scholars can find frustration in dealing with, say, the paucity of portraits and relevant information for Haydn, we have sheer abundance with Liszt. We may not be hampered by uncertainty over provenance or identity of the artist, but the very mass and variety of Lisztian iconography presents its own not insignificant challenges. The risk most apparent to scholars seeking confirmation of presumed biographical or historical narratives is that isolated images can be cherry-picked to match assumptions: Liszt as showman, as revolutionary, as romantic hero and so on. All of these, and more, can be readily confirmed by his iconography and yet this approach offers little insight beyond his well-known biography and reception. It is, in other words, easy to slip into the mode of interpretation that views Liszt’s images as uniquely distinctive to him. Lithographs or photographs are not compared to the countless others from the same times or places or even to those of other artists. Interpretations of one-off oil portraits of Liszt, for example, easily tempt us into self-referential stances, especially so if not compared with others by the same artist.
Although television (TV) viewing is frequently paired with snacking among young children, little is known about the environment in which caregivers promote this behaviour. We describe low-income pre-schoolers’ snacking and TV viewing habits as reported by their primary caregivers, including social/physical snacking contexts, types of snacks and caregiver rationales for offering snacks. These findings may support the development of effective messages to promote healthy child snacking.
Semi-structured interviews assessed caregiver conceptualizations of pre-schoolers’ snacks, purpose of snacks, snack context and snack frequency.
Interviews occurred in Boston, Massachusetts and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA.
Forty-seven low-income multi-ethnic primary caregivers of children aged 3–5 years (92 % female, 32 % Hispanic/Latino, 34 % African American) described their child’s snacking in the context of TV viewing.
TV viewing and child snacking themes were described consistently across racial/ethnic groups. Caregivers described snacks offered during TV viewing as largely unhealthy. Labels for TV snacks indicated non-nutritive purposes, such as ‘time out’, ‘enjoyment’ or ‘quiet.’ Caregivers’ primary reasons for providing snacks included child’s expectations, behaviour management (e.g. to occupy child) and social time (e.g. family bonding). Some caregivers used TV to distract picky children to eat more food. Child snacking and TV viewing were contextually paired by providing child-sized furniture (‘TV table’) specifically for snacking.
Low-income caregivers facilitate pre-schoolers’ snacking and TV viewing, which are described as routine, positive and useful for non-nutritive purposes. Messages to caregivers should encourage ‘snack-free’ TV viewing, healthy snack options and guidance for managing children’s behaviour without snacks or TV.
Haydn's first visit to England in 1791 was accompanied by a publicity war waged between his supporters and detractors. The composer's friends were keen to present him as a musical genius while at the same time defending him against what they saw as reactionary criticisms over rules and taste. One such defence was in the form of a portrait by Thomas Hardy, probably the most famous image of the composer. While readily considered today as a matter-of-fact representation of an urbane Georgian gentleman, the portrait is in fact a sophisticated response to contemporary arguments surrounding Haydn, and presents him as an inventive genius of taste and judgment. By the manipulation of portrait conventions, Hardy created a visual representation of the composer analogous to written accounts by supporters such as Charles Burney. Haydn is shown as a man confident in his contribution to musical posterity, and the image reinforces advice from the time that repeated listening to and study of his music was required properly to appreciate it. The portrait has lost its original force as conceptions of genius changed from the early nineteenth century, reflecting a shift in the aesthetics of both music and visual art.
The wide variety of nineteenth-century images of the great pianist—composer Franz Liszt (1811–1886) provides both art historians and musicologists with a rich resource through its sheer diversity and comprehensiveness. Of great potential value are the insights that Lisztian iconography may provide into the changing nature of Romanticism and music during much of the nineteenth century.
The relative ozone resistance of 20 European and two American
populations of Plantago major was examined, and
relationships with climatic factors at the source of the plant material were
explored using data provided by
participants in the ICP-Crops initiative (International Co-operative Programme
to Investigate the Effects of Air
Pollutants and Other Stresses on Agricultural and Semi-Natural Vegetation).
Plants grown from seed were
exposed to either charcoal/Purafil® filtered air (CF<5 nmol
mol−1 O3) or CF+ozone (70 nmol
mol−1 O37 h d−1)
over a 2-wk period in controlled environment chambers, and effects on mean
plant relative growth rate (R) and
allometric root/shoot growth (K) determined. Ozone resistance
(R%) was calculated from
Populations exhibited contrasting sensitivities to ozone, without the
development of typical visible symptoms
of injury. A positive relationship was found between relative ozone resistance
and descriptors of the ozone-climate
at the site of seed collection for the year of, and the 2 yr before, seed
collection. The best predictors of inherent
ozone resistance were shown to be cumulative ozone exposure indices
calculated according to current United
Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UN-ECE) critical level guidelines
for the pollutant (i.e. the
accumulated hourly average ozone exposure over a threshold level of 40 nmol
mol−1 (AOT40) or 30 nmol mol−1
(AOT30) calculated during daylight hours for the consecutive 3-month period
of the year experiencing the highest
ozone concentrations). No relationships were found between ozone resistance
and climatic factors (temperature,
precipitation, sunshine hours, humidity) or the concentrations of other
air pollutants (SO2, NO2, NO).
These findings support the view that current ambient levels of ozone in
many regions of Europe are high enough
to promote evolution of resistance to the pollutant in native plant
populations. The significance of these findings
to the debate over the establishment of separate critical levels for
the protection of natural and semi-natural vegetation is discussed.
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